Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorism Law: A Tool to Stifle Dissent | A Legal Analysis by International Lawyers

While legitimate anti-terrorism laws exist, Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorism Proclamation criminalizes basic human rights, especially freedom of speech and assembly. The law defines terrorism in an extremely broad and vague way so as to give the government enormous leeway to punish words and acts that would be perfectly legal in a democracy,”

 said Lewis Gordon, editor of the report and Executive Director of the Environmental Defender Law Center. “It also gives thepolice and security services unprecedented new powers, and shifts the burden of proof to the accused. Worse still, many of those charged report having been tortured, and the so-called confessions thathave been obtained as a result have been used against them at trial,” he continued

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 “Through our extensive work on land related issues in Ethiopia, we have witnessed firsthand how the anti-terrorism law has been misused to curb peoples’ opposition to forced land evictions and land grabbing by domestic and foreign investors,” said Anuradha Mittal, Executive Director of The Oakland Institute.“We are grateful to the legal community for providing this essential analysis of the dire situation in Ethiopia. It is timefor the international community and donor countries to demand that this law, used to oppress and intimidate political speech and freedom is struck down

immediately,” Mittal continued. “The conclusions reached in this report are not those of a few fringe lawyers or policy organizations,” said Lewis Gordon. “This law has been harshly criticized by the UN Commissioner for Human Rights, numerous UN Special Rapporteurs, the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights, the governments of the US and UK, and the EU. Given our findings, we must, as an international community,

 demand that until such time as Ethiopia revises this law to bring it into conformity with international standards, it repeal or suspend the use of this repressive piece of legislation.” Those who have been charged as terrorists under the law include newspaper editors, indigenous leaders, land rights activists, bloggers, political opposition members, and students. About the report’s authors& contributor:

 Lewis Gordon, Editor & Author: A Harvard graduate, Mr. Gordonhas been a lawyer for over 35 years and is the Executive Director of the Environmental Defender Law Center (EDLC). Mr. Gordon has worked on numerous high-profile environmental and human rights cases on behalf of thousands of victims, as well as a host of international prize-winning activists, in dozens of countries around the world. Sean Sullivan, Author:J.D., University of Southern California. Mr.

Sullivan is a lawyerat the Los Angeles office of Davis Wright Tremaine, LLP, and focuses his practice on intellectual property and complex class action litigation. He has assisted EDLC on a number of projects in the past, including obtaining freedom for an international prize-winning Mexican activist wrongfully charged with murder, and obtaining political asylum for another imprisoned Mexican activist who had received an international prize delivered to him in his jail cell by the widow of the late Senator Robert F. Kennedy. Sonal Mittal, Author: J.D. Harvard Law School. Ms. Mittal is an associate at the San Francisco office of Wilson SonsiniGoodrich &Rosati where she focuses her practice on privacy, data protection, and Internet law. Kate Stone,

Contributor.International Human Rights Law, University of Oxford.Kate Stone is a barrister specializing in international human rights law at Garden Court North Chambers, Manchester, UK.

In Ethiopia, anger over corruption and farmland development runs deep

Despite the government ending plans to build on Oromo land around the capital, clashes continue, as lack of transparency and maladministration fuel dissent
William Davison, Mon, 18 Jan. 2016

Two years ago, on the edge of Chitu in Ethiopia’s unsettled Oromia region, local officials told Chamara Mamoye his farmland might be developed when the small town expanded. He hasn’t heard anything since. “Losing the land would be a big problem for me, but if the government forces us, we can’t do anything,” the father-of-five says outside his compound.

 Last month, Chamara, 45, saw the bodies of two protesters lying on the road after demonstrations rocked Chito. The dead were among up to 140 people killed by security forces during region-wide protests triggered by claims of injustice and marginalisation from the nation’s largest ethnic group, the Oromo. Bolstered by US-based social media activists, the protest movement coalesced around opposition to a government plan to integrate the capital, Addis Ababa, with surrounding Oromo towns. After weeks of protests, the ruling coalition in the Oromia region said last week that it wascancelling the planned expansion. Protests, however, go on, and the roots of popular unease and anger in Oromia run much deeper.

Dissatisfaction with corruption, maladministration and inadequate consultations on investments are fuelling dissent. This patchwork of grievances presents a fundamental challenge to an authoritarian government aiming to rapidly transform Ethiopia from an agrarian society to an industrial powerhouse. And the discontent is a national issue. Urban expansion is causing clashes across the country as investors, officials and farmers protect their interests, says Seyoum Teshome, a lecturer at Ambo University.

 “The villagers who have been asking for basic services and infrastructure rush to sell their farmland at market rate before it is expropriated at low rates of compensation,” he says. As all land is state-owned in Ethiopia, houses are rapidly built on the edge of towns without official permission, to give plots value, Seyoum says. Investors may bribe corrupt officials to formalise illegal transfers, causing anger among dispossessed farmers, he adds. Chamara was not among the mostly youthful protesters who took to the streets in Chitu, but he shares their concerns about an unresponsive ruling system.

 He’s frustrated by repeatedly broken official promises to tarmac the main road that runs through Chitu. Although the area has electricity and a mobile-phone signal, he is disappointed with the rate of progress since the government came to power 25 years ago. “There is no big development considering the time they had,” he says. He is also upset by a lack of information and consultation over land policies, as well as concerned by suspicions of corruption – though officials do not flaunt ill-gotten gains. “The corruption is done in a secret way. It’s a silent killer,” he said. In elections last May, Ethiopia’s ruling coalition and allied parties won all 547 seats in the federal parliament and 100% of legislative positions in nine regional councils. Despite the result, the government

acknowledged widespread dissatisfaction with the quality of public administration and levels of corruption. “In many areas, personnel said to be involved in massive corruption that led to sudden outbursts of anger are being dismissed,” government spokesman Getachew Reda said in an interview last week. One of the deadliest incidents last month took place in Woliso town, about113km south-west of Addis Ababa. Six protesters were killed by security forces after thousands of people from surrounding villages took to the streets to protest over planned expansion of the town. A group of young Oromo, who had gathered next to the Walga river a few miles from Woliso, spoke of community fears of evictions and poor compensation. But nobody seemed to know anything specific about government plans. “The government does not discuss in detail.

 They do not have consent,” one said. Ethiopia has long been a darling of the international donor community, which has appeared willing to ignore its poor record on human rights because high growth rates over the past decade have delivered some development goals. But the Oromo protests illustrate the vulnerabilities of this strategy.

 To the north of Chitu, at Wenchi, which boasts a spectacular crater lake popular with tourists, grievances are almost tangible. Soldiers are still in town and, as elsewhere, the authorities have arrested people suspected of involvement in the protests. While some seem cowed by the crackdown, Rabuma Terefa is not. His friend was shot in the leg on the edge of Chitu as he marched with other protesters from Wenchi. When an elite military unit told elders the protesters must turn back, the group refused, arguing they had a constitutional right to peacefully demonstrate, said Rabuma.

 Within minutes, soldiers opened fire, killing people, including Birhanu Dinka, who was leading the crowd at that moment. “They did not say anything, they just pointed the guns at us. We were begging them not to kill us,” Rabuma, 27, says. While abuses may have occurred, security forces are told to protect civilian lives, according to Getachew. It is not only lives at stake: around the time of the protests in Wenchi, the property of a Dutch agricultural company, Solagrow, was torched by hundreds of people. Rabuma says the investment angered locals as it fenced off 100 hectares of prime communal grazing land, leased by the government.

Solagrow says community relations were healthy and the valley was waterlogged until they drained it. The project was collateral damage of the political dispute, according to manager Jan van de Haar. “[The protesters] became angry and they said there was only one way to continue, and that’s our farm, because we’re the only investment in that place,” he says. The attack destroyed $300,000-worth of machinery and potato seeds. Rabuma had no sympathy for Solagrow, which he says was complicit in the government’s oppression of the Oromo. He is instead focused on the struggle Ahead.

 In Chitu, Chamara speaks for many Oromo as he implores the government to better manage investments and urban sprawl. “No one is opposing the development of the city, but it should not be at the expense of farmers’ lives,” he says..

U.S. Says Concerned Over Ethiopia Stifling Oromo Dissent

The U.S. is concerned by the sustained stifling of dissent by its ally Ethiopia, including the detention last month of ethnic Oromo opposition politicians during recent fatal protests, the State Department said.

Demonstrations against a government masterplan to integrate the development of the capital, Addis Ababa, with surrounding areas in Oromia region began in mid-November and continued this week in the town of Ambo.

“These arrests have a chilling effect on much-needed public consultations to resolve legitimate political grievances in Oromia,” according to the Jan. 14 statement. “We call for the release of those imprisoned for exercising their rights, such as political party leaders and journalists.”

Bekele Gerba, deputy leader of the Oromo Federalist Congress, the main opposition party, was arrested on Dec. 24 with other senior party officials.

As many as 140 “generally peaceful” protesters were killed by security forces during the wave of protests across Oromia, according to Human Rights Watch. The government says a dozen security forces and a significant number of civilians died. The governmentshelved the masterplan on Jan. 14 after the Oromo wing of the ruling coalition withdrew its support.

Tedros forced to cancel press briefing in Brussels

HIS EVENT IS CANCELED
Invitation Press Briefing
H.E. Dr Tedros Adhanom
Foreign Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia
Ethiopia: Regional Powerhouse or Hostage of Horn of Africa’s troubles?
EU-Ethiopia Partnership: What is in it for Europe?
Since the official relations between Ethiopia and the European Union were initiated 40 years ago, Ethiopia has proved to be an important partner for the European Union in areas like stability in the Horn of Africa and international migrations.
The Joint Declaration for a Common Agenda on Migration and Mobility signed between the two entities at the Valetta on 11 November 2015 attest this strong relation.
Moreover, European investors are increasingly interested in business opportunities in Ethiopia in sectors like agro-processing, manufacturing and light industry.

Wednesday, 13 January 2016 at 9:30
Press Club Brussels Europe
Rue Froissart 95, 1040 Brussels

The Minister will give a briefing to the journalists on these topics as well as on the internal situation of the country and answer their questions. You are cordially invited to join the briefing.

Program
09.30 : Registration and tasting of Ethiopian fine coffee
09.45 : Start of the press briefing
10.15 : Q&A with journalists
11.00 : End of the event
RSVP: jonas.lismont@ethiopianembassy.be +32 485 73 61 51

Ethiopia: TPLF in Disarray and the Remaking of National Unity | By Messay Kebede

That in less than six months after announcing a 100 percent electoral victory in national elections the TPLF faces a formidable uprising in Oromo regions and in a lesser scale in some parts of Ethiopia constitutes the mother of all irony. Unsurprisingly, the only response known to the government to the popular unrest is massive mobilization of security forces, including the army, and violent crackdowns resulting in deaths, severe beatings, and arbitrary imprisonments. This time, however, there is a difference: the TPLF is badly wounded by the protests and uprisings and seriously weakened.

This is shown by the fact that the TPLF was compelled to publicly drop the Addis Ababa Master Plan in an attempt to quell the unrest. I give no credence to what the TPLF says or promises and remain convinced that it will implement the Plan in one form or another. Still, that the TPLF was forced to back down in the face of popular opposition is the first in kind since it seized power in 1991. No doubt, the official announcement of a retreat was an extremely difficult one in view of the too familiar and boundless arrogance of the TPLF. Like an injured animal attacks left and right, one should, therefore, expect the intensification of repression and a tightening of the control system from the enraged arrogance.

Another manifestation of a weakened TPLF is the surrender of Ethiopia’s exclusive sovereignty of the so-called Renaissance Dam. Despite denials of the Ethiopian government, the recent agreement does stipulate that the filling of the dam requires a prior consensus with Egypt and Sudan; it also specifies that the latter will be given priority for the electricity generated by the dam. One must be a fool not to see that these conditions establish a de facto co-ownership of the dam by the three countries.
The surrender is just a confirmation of the TPLF’s conviction that it does not have the national support that it needs to withstand Egyptian demands.

In my view, the current popular revolts are bound to have consequences that will deepen the weakening of the TPLF. Among these consequences, three major ones particularly stand out. The first has to do with the cohesion of the EPRDF itself. As a major partner in the ruling coalition, the OPDO has been humiliated and seriously rebuffed by the uprisings in Oromia. Non-Oromo security forces had to be called to repress the popular protests, obvious as it is that Oromo security personnel were either reluctant to crackdown or the TPLF could no longer trust them. We even heard some TPLF members accusing the Oromo forces of gross incompetence, worse yet, of secretly supporting the protesters. Whatever the interpretation, one thing is sure: a rift that would be difficult to bridge is now visible within the EPRDF.

Another major consequence is the end of the myth of Ethiopian stability under the hegemony of the TPLF. Some such outcome is likely to be of great concern for Western governments and investors as well as for the growing Chinese involvements in Ethiopia. Western governments had so far turned a blind eye on the gross violations of human rights in Ethiopia as a ransom for the guarantee of stability and economic development in a continent too prone to political turmoils and violent conflicts. But when unrests multiply, especially when they come from the Oromo who are supposed to have most benefited from the liquidation of Amhara hegemony and the establishment of federal system of self-rule, they reveal a deep crack in the very foundation of the regime.

The impact of the collapse of the myth of stability is already visible in the recent declaration of the American government expressing deep concern over government’s crackdown on protesters and calling for a “constructive dialogue to address legitimate grievances.” Another possible expression of discontent of the US could be the precipitated shutdown of American base for drone operation in southern Ethiopia: even if military factors must have been the real reason for the decision, its official announcement at a time when the TPLF is losing face in the eyes of the international community looks like a betrayal of an ally that has no longer faith in the regime.

Last but not least, the uprising and the violent crackdown invite a rethinking among opposition forces, notably a heightened awareness of the need to counter the divide-and-rule strategy of the regime by going past ethnic alignments. Many observers are wondering why other ethnic groups, especially the Amhara, are not joining the Oromo uprisings, all the more so as it is but evident that the TPLF would be unable to suppress if the uprisings extend to other regions. Indeed, expanding these protests into a national movement, by which alone other ethnic groups can be coopted, is the sine qua non to defeating and overthrowing the TPLF.

The good news is that appeals for rapprochement between the various groups are being heard here and there and in some places––still very limited––we see a debut of implementation, as in the case of Medrek and Semayawi parties agreeing to work together. There is no doubt that it would be difficult to overcome the descending path created by decades of divisive politics and mutual suspicion, but the spectacle of Oromo protesters abandoned to the violent fury of the TPLF should give us all a pause.

The crackdown on Oromo protesters under the eyes of other groups acting as bystanders is simply the spectacle of a people made powerless by its own divisions.

Needed, therefore, is the remaking of unity through the dialectical process of negation and negation of that negation. The original unity was abstract, homogenizing; it was negated by divisions and ethnic fragmentations. The TPLF is trying to solidify the movement of fragmentation. We have to say no by negating the fragmentation, but this time to obtain a synthetic unity, the unity that integrates diversity conquered through the first negation. This is called development, as opposed to fragmentation or secession.

They wanted me to say I was wrong’: Freed Ethiopian journalist on why 1,500 days in jail failed to silence her

Reeyot Alemu, an Ethiopian journalist who worked for the independent weeklyFeteh, spent almost 1,500 days in prison after being arrested in June 2011 andcharged with terrorism in 2012. She was released unexpectedly in July.


In interviews with CPJ in November and December, Reeyot discussed her experiences in prison, during which she was held for brief periods in solitary confinement and denied visits. She says she refused an offer of a pardon because it would have implied an admission of guilt. “They wanted me to kneel down, but I was not OK with that,” she said. “I think they wanted to release me, but they wanted me to say that I was wrong.”

Reeyot also discussed her decision to join Arbegnoch Ginbot 7, a coalition of opposition political organizations banned by the Ethiopian authorities. She announced her membership to the group in December, during an interview withEthiopian Satellite Television Service in Washington D.C.
You were released unexpectedly on July 9. What did you think when you heard you were free?

I was confused. I didn’t ask for pardon and I did not fill out the parole form. I suspected they might take me to another police station or prison, or for torture. I said to the prison officers, “Maybe you say something false and if I reveal it, you will bring me back?” I think maybe they released me  suddenly to avoid many people knowing about it.

 My sister had come for the release of [journalists] Edom[Kassaye] and Mahlet [Fantahun.] Fana Radio [a pro-government station] had announced their release. She didn’t know about me, because the media didn’t say anything. She wasn’t there for me, but she was very happy and excited.

What was it like in prison? Are you able to put those memories behind you?
I don’t think someone in prison can put the prison memories behind. I can’t and I also don’t want to because I must not forget. If I forget these kinds of things it’s not good for the struggle. There are many prisoners there, there are many who’ve been tortured there, there are many innocent people who don’t deserve to be in prison. Therefore I want to remember.
What were some of the things you experienced prison?

For 13 days while I was in the police station I was in solitary confinement, the room had a bad smell. No lawyer could visit me. They insult you. One day, one policeman crashed my head into the wall. These things can happen in that prison–inMaekelawi–you expect it. Also, they warn you, “If you won’t be a witness, we will detain you for life, or we can kill you.” They say this just to make you give false witness. And when I said “No,” they said, “OK, we can call you a terrorist,” and they did just that.

Reeyot Alemu spent almost 1,500 days in jail for her journalism. (Barbara Nitke/CPJ)
For the first three months, no one could visit me. The prison is very crowded but they wanted to isolate me from other prisoners. To be able to say that I was not isolated, they built another home for me and they put three other prisoners with me. There were four small beds, close to each other in a narrow room.

They even denied my right to read. When my parents or friends brought books [the prison authorities would] look at the title of the books or the cover and say “It’s politics or it’s history,” and return them. They want you to read these love stories [laughs] and to forget politics. They only wanted me to read books that they said should “entertain” me.
They denied my right to education. I was going to study my Masters in political science and when I was in prison I enrolled and paid my fees. They knew when I had paid and then after that, they denied me, as a kind of revenge.

[EDITOR’S NOTE: The Ethiopian embassy in Washington D.C. and the government spokesman in Addis Ababa did not immediately respond to CPJ’s request for comment on claims that political prisoners and jailed journalists are mistreated.]
What helped sustain you in prison?

I spent my days and nights reading, even if I didn’t get the books I am interested in. I took risks and was writing and smuggled them out. If I was not reading or writing, I was thinking about what we can do as a country, as a people. What must the people of Ethiopia do, including me?
I told myself I must be strong, I must pass these bad days. I told myself that some people survived Nazi camps and therefore I can too. You can’t be OK physically if they beat you, but I must keep my mental health. I also remember many people’s stories that I’d read before I was in prison–the ideas remain in my heart and soul. For example, Nelson Mandela, Malcolm X, Viktor Frankl, The Diary of Anne Frank. Her diary helped me realize I could also survive. There were also the poems of Bewketu Seyoum.

How did you get the news that the Zone 9 bloggers were arrested?
My mother and father told me when they were visiting. When I heard I became angry, but I also expected it. What is the future of Ethiopia, if someone tries to write something and they are arrested? What is the solution? I was very angry.

It must be frustrating to be so angry but not to be able to do anything.
That is the problem of being a prisoner [laughs]. If you are out, maybe you can speak or you can write something, but in jail, you can’t even do that. You feel even more bad when you are in prison.
While you were in prison did you know what CPJ and other groups were doing for you, or that you were part of CPJ’s Press Uncuffedcampaign?

Not the details, but I knew some of it. I heard more when I came out. [CPJ] helps a lot. People or governments or organizations must know about the situation. You give awareness–that’s a big thing.
The world must know what the Ethiopian government is like. We [as journalists] are trying to be a voice for the voiceless, but when we were arrested, CPJ became our voice.
Now that you are free, what are your plans?

I will continue to write. After I was released, I began immediately to publish articles onEthiomedia. I’m sure of two things: I will continue my writing and struggle against our government. It goes with writing.

Are you leaving journalism now that you’ve joined a political party?
I have no intention to stop journalism because I joined a political party. Journalism is a profession I am devoted to throughout my life. But I am also an Ethiopian and my country is in great danger. My country needs me. If I can do it through my beloved profession, I am happy and will continue. If the struggle needs me to contribute in other ways, I am also ready to do that. It depends on where I can contribute more to save Ethiopia from ruin.

What is your motivation for making this move?
I made this decision in the last two years of my imprisonment. I believe there is little opportunity for peaceful struggle. Within a week of parliament labeling five organizations as terrorists [in June 2011], the ruling party imprisoned me, Woubshet [Taye,] and other innocent citizens. After that many journalists, opposition party members, and leaders were accused under the anti-terrorism law. Ethiopia become a big prison for all dissident voices.

Many political parties have tried to change the government by peaceful means. By taking Martin Luther King Jr. and other leaders as role models, I was also part of a peaceful struggle. But in prison I realized the situation in Ethiopia is very different. To struggle against this government, there must be a political organization not controlled by the government. There must be a political party the government cannot shut down. There must be an armed group to respond to the cruelty of the regime in an appropriate way. As Mandela wrote in his autobiography, the struggle is defined by the oppressor, not the oppressed. I am forced to talk with the oppressors in the language they understand.
What is it about G7’s policy/position that made you join them?

I have many reasons to join Arbegnoch Ginbot 7. The main one is they are struggling for allEthiopians–that means all ethnic groups, all religions, and allindividuals.
What do you say to those who criticize you for abandoning your independence as a journalist to join a political party?

I ask them, “Why would I abandon my independence as a journalist?” For me, being independent is related to open-mindedness. I was and am ready to see beyond my religion, gender, ethnicity, and other things. I am ready also to see beyond my political party. I am curious enough to know about different ideas and groups. I think these and other qualities have enabled me to be an independent journalist. I have met with some people who have asked me these kinds of questions. Some of them mix being independent with being neutral. I cannot be neutral and stand between just and unjust, oppressors and oppressed. I am with oppressed ones and against the oppressors.

Sue Valentine, CPJ’s Africa program coordinator, has worked as a journalist in print and radio in South Africa since the late 1980s, including at The Starnewspaper in Johannesburg and as the executive producer of a national daily current affairs radio show on the SABC, South Africa’s public broadcaster.ource- CPJ

For Immediate Press Release: OYSU: A Call to Action in Ending the Crimes against Humanity in Ethiopia

(Ogaden Youth & Student Union) — The Ogaden Youth and Student Union condemns the systematic genocidal massacres taking place in Oromia and Ogaden, and stands with student protesters fighting to end the authoritarian regimes policies of mass displacement against the Oromo and Ogaden people.

Alemneh Wase News: A Look Back at Sululta’s Protest Last Thursday | Audio

 

The current EPRDF regime in Ethiopia continues and has exacerbated the policies of successive authoritarian Ethiopian regimes in the past. The genocidal massacres taking place in the Ogaden is well documented by human rights organizations and has led to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of civilian populations since 2007. The Ethiopian government’s exploitation of natural resources in the

 

Ogaden has led to a dire humanitarian crisis and a worsening armed conflict. The Ogaden region is currently facing the worst drought in history and international humanitarian organizations that have historically provided much needed assistance, such as Doctors Without Borders and the International Red Cross, have been denied access to operate in the region. Government-sponsored militias, known as the Liyuu Police, continue to commit rape, extrajudicial killings, mass arrests, and torture with impunity. Millions of people in the Ogaden are facing one of the worse famines in the world and the international community continues to turn a blind eye.

The gross human rights situation that has been taking place in the Ogaden has now spread all over Ethiopia, mainly in the Oromia and Amhara regions. The EPRDF regime, which is mainly controlled by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), is now committing mass genocidal campaigns against the Oromo people.

 

 

 We are receiving credible reports of mass arrests, kidnappings and extrajudicial killings taking place in different parts of Oromia. The Ethiopian regime’s current policy of displacing hundreds of thousands of Oromo farmers off their land has led to an uprising led by the Oromo youth. Protesters have spread all over the country and new armed opposition groups have emerged in parts of the Amhara, Afar, and Sidama regions. The Oromo people, who make up nearly half the population of Ethiopia, have been under repression and marginalization by successive Ethiopian regimes in the past. The Oromo people are essential to the future of Ethiopia and can play a fundamental role in the stability or instability of the Horn of Africa. The Ethiopian regime’s ill-advised policies and criminal behavior will lead to a humanitarian crisis in epic proportion if the international community does not intervene.

The Ogaden Youth and Student Union (OYSU) stands in solidarity with the Oromo youth and students who are leading the peaceful protests currently taking place in Ethiopian and have been the main target of rapes, mass arrests, killings, and kidnappings. The Ogaden and Oromo people, not only share a common struggle, but also share a common history of repression and marginalization by successive Ethiopian regimes. We are calling upon both people to unite against the Ethiopian regime, and reclaim freedom and justice for their respective people.

OYSU urges the international community, and mainly Western nations, to put an end to the funding and sponsoring of authoritarianism and genocide in Ethiopia. We urge Western powers, such as the United States and the United Kingdom, to pressure the Ethiopian government to end the gross human rights abuses taking place in Oromia, Ogaden and elsewhere in Ethiopia. We urge international human rights organizations to continue and further their commitment to exposing the genocidal massacres and displacements taking place in these regions. Lastly, we urge international media organizations to shed light on the acts of genocide and crimes against humanity the Ethiopian regime has been committed in the Ogaden, Oromia, and in othe