Press Freedom for Ethiopian Bloggers Tested Again

ADDIS ABABA—Abel Wabela, 29, and eight other bloggers and freelance journalists spent more than a year and a half in prison. They were acquitted five months ago, but life has not been easy since.

“We cannot go abroad,” Wabela said, “getting a job is very difficult. We are not allowed to work, not allowed to move.”

Wabela previously worked at Ethiopian Airlines as an engineer, but it will not take him back. His left ear is no longer functional, he says, due to mistreatment in prison.

In addition, the bloggers’ passports have been confiscated.

Back in court

Wabela was one of six bloggers and three affiliated freelance journalists who were arrested in April 2014. They were accused under the anti-terrorism law of using social media to incite violence in Ethiopia.

Although all the bloggers and journalists were acquitted, the prosecutor appealed their release. For that reason, they have to appear Tuesday in Ethiopia’s Supreme Court.

Atnaf Berahane says that even though he has been out of prison for five months, he lives in a state of fear.

“After my release I basically do nothing, because I know that every move I make will be traced,” Berahane said. “I am afraid that I may go to prison. The appeal is going on, so the appeal is like a chain to me right now. I am preparing myself for prison.”

Imprisonment called unacceptable

Ethiopia is frequently criticized by human rights organizations on its press freedom record. The government states that those imprisoned are criminals using journalism as a cover.

Zone 9 is a reference to an Ethiopian state prison with eight zones; the bloggers use Zone 9 to indicate the larger “prison” they feel makes up the rest of the country.

Africa researcher Kerry Paterson of the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists says the possible return of the bloggers to jail is unacceptable and a huge blow to press freedom in Ethiopia.

“The Zone 9 bloggers, their tagline has always been that they blog because they care,” Paterson said. “These are young people who are deeply committed to seeing a safer, freer, better, more democratic Ethiopia, and who have faced repression and crackdowns on every turn.”

Despite the belief by the bloggers that their future in Ethiopia is bleak and uncertain, Wabela, Berahane and the others are still blogging. The decision by Ethiopia’s Supreme Court on the appeal will mean they either must go back to prison, or can continue writing.

Scholars, politicians, civil society representatives share views on the future of Ethiopia, discuss roadmap for post TPLF Ethiopia

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ESAT News (March 28, 2016

Ethiopian scholars, politicians and representatives of civil societies and women gathered in Washington, DC for a two day conference on the future of Ethiopia: transition, democracy and national unity organized by vision Ethiopia.

Representing Patriotic Ginbot 7 for Unity and Democracy, Neamin Zeleke, a member of the leadership said the TPLF Federal Democratic Republic is neither federal, nor democratic, nor republic.

He said the recent uprising by the people in the Oromia region was evidence that the Federal system by the TPLF was not designed to benefit the people. The popular uprising in different parts of Ethiopia show federalism, as designed by the TPLF, did not give rights to the people, Neamin said.

He spoke at length on the human rights abuses in Ethiopia perpetrated by the TPLF. Neamin said the minority government is not to be reformed but to be removed. He said he does not believe the tyrannical government would be removed through peaceful political struggle. Armed struggle, among other forms of struggle, is crucial to remove tyranny from Ethiopia, he stressed.

Lencho Bati, member of the executive committee, Oromo Democratic Front spoke on the need to create a national and common discourse that bring together all political organizations. Lencho said the regime cannot call itself developmental state as a state to be called developmental should be legitimate and accepted by the poeople, which the TPLF is not. The bureaucracy is not free from political pressure and appointment of administrative positions is not based on merit but political assignment. He said Ethiopians should politically, militarily and using all available means work to remove the tyrannical regime in Ethiopia.

Prof. John Harbeson, Professor Emeritus of political science at City University of New York said Ethiopia had missed at least four opportunities to establish a democratic state: 1974 revolution, the fall of the Dergue in 1991, the constitution assembly of 1994 and the historic election of 2005. Prof. Harbeson said in all the four case, Ethiopia’s opportunity to make a transition to democracy was squashed.

He also said the US, while fighting terrorism, should also help promote democracy.

Professor Minga Negash, Professor of Accounting, Metropolitan State University of Denver, Colorado and the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa said Ethiopia needs a transformation, which is not only changing the government, but also a roadmap after post-EPRDF Ethiopia.  The conflict with Eritrea, popular uprising in Konso, Oromia, Amhara, Somali, Gambella need to be dealt carefully, Minga said.

Another panelist, Professor Teshome Abebe Former Provost and Academic Vice President, Eastern Illinois University and Professor of Economics, Illinois said that chaos has become the source of power for the ruling party in Ethiopia. Prof. Teshome underscored that there should be a consensus that Ethiopia should have “unflinching respect for democratic values and its sovereignty should not be questioned.” Instead of completely annihilating TPLF, Prof. Teshome said, TPLF has to be reformed to unequivocally embrace democratic principles. Teshome said, “Our country is in distress and needs our attention.”

Dr. Beyan Asoba, Lawyer and Human Rights Advocate and Member of the Oromo Democratic Front, said the current and previous regimes have committed gross human rights violations in the country. He said Ethiopians should see the protest in the Oromia region as a struggle for democracy and good governance, not as a threat to the nation.

Alemayehu Gebremariam, Professor of Political Science, California State University, San Bernardino, Attorney at Law, and weekly blogger on Huffington Post spoke about the dictatorial regime in Ethiopia. He said one of the characteristics of dictators is their secrecy. Prof. Alemayehu elabotated on why the Ethiopian government is spending millions of dollars to jam ESAT.  Prof. Alemayehu said sooner or later time will tell when TPLF will be held responsible for atrocious actions it committed on the people of Ethiopia. He stressed that whether the TPLF regime exists or not, the quest for democracy and respect for human rights will continue. According to Prof. Alemayehu, the roadmap for new Ethiopia is a new constitution.

Messay Kebede, Professor of Philosophy, University of Dayton, Ohio elaborated on ethnicity and power. Prof. Mesay said the way forward is to recognize the current ethnic based regional administrations. He said ethnic politics will not fade away even if TPLF is removed from power.

Ermias Legesse, former minister d’état of government communications, author, and human rights advocate said there is lack of cooperation among Ethiopian political parties and civic groups. Ermias called on the different political and civic organizations to cooperate for common, long and short-term goals. He said the cooperation among these groups should be built on a solid foundation of trust.

Dr. Mesfin Abdi, former lecturer at Addis Ababa University and researcher, presented a paper on land tenure and language issues in Ethiopia. He said, currently, the land does not belong to the farmers; and there are several unresolved questions.

Dr. Mesfin elaborated on the need to make Oromiffa as one of the working languages in Ethiopia. He said Amhara and Oromo elites should devise a mechanism to build a solid pillar of trust for the benefit of all nations in the country.

Seid Hassan, Professor of Economics, Murray State University, Kentucky, presented a paper on land grabs and state capture in Ethiopia.  According to Prof. Seid, the worst corruption in the world is practiced in Ethiopia. The scholar said the TPLF/EPRDF government would continue the land grab, for the land is the only source of power and survival for the TPLF regime. The current problem in Ethiopia is multifaceted and all stakeholders should come together to devise mechanisms to mitigate it, he said.

Professor Ezekiel Gebissa:  Professor of History, Kettering University, Michigan, and President Elect, Oromo Studies Association presented a paper on the theme: “Time to Look Inward: Harnessing Indigenous Asset and Resources for Democracy, Development, Human Rights and Peace Building.” Prof. Ezekiel discussed on the chances Ethiopia missed for its transition to democracy. He said we should have a plan for the country beyond overthrowing the TPLF regime. Prof. Ezekiel gave an elaborated speech on Gada System and Oromo values in Oromo society.

Ms. Elsabet Lakew a Political Science Student at Howard University and Organizer at Montgomery County Civil Rights Coalition, spoke about diaspora women in relation to their root. Elisabet related the struggle for democracy and human rights in Ethiopia to the “Black Lives Matter” in the United States.

Ms. Sewasew S.Johannessen, Manager, The Ark of The New Covenant Healing Ministry, Norway, requested all Ethiopians to come together to bring democracy and freedom in Ethiopia. Sewasew urged all Ethiopians work for reconciliation if they wish to see democratic Ethiopia.

Mrs. Asayesh Tamiru, human rights advocate, Frankfurt, who said humanity knows no boundaries urged diaspora Ethiopians show solidarity with women in Ethiopia. She said, “We should feel the pain of our people in Oromia, Somalia, Gambella- allover Ethiopia.” She underscored, “If we must inherit anything to our children, it is freedom!”

Ms. Wessen Debela, Human Rights Advocate and member of Center for Rights of Ethiopian Women (CREW), Washington, DC said though Ethiopian women intellectuals participate less in the affairs of the country. Ms. Wessen urged all women to participate in every aspect of socio-political life if they need to see a vibrant, prosperous Ethiopia.

Ms. Sewasew S.Johannessen, Manager, The Ark of The New Covenant Healing Ministry, Norway, requested all Ethiopians come together to bring democracy and freedom in Ethiopia. Sewasew urged all Ethiopians work for reconciliation if they wish to see democratic Ethiopia.

Mrs Asayesh Tamiru, Human Rights advocate, Frankfurt, said humanity knows no boundaries. Ms Asayesh said the diaspora Ethiopians must show solidarity for women in Ethiopia. She said, “we should feel the pain our people are facing in Oromia, Somalia, Gambella- allover Ethiopia.” She reiterated, “If we must inherit anything to our children, it is freedom!”

Ms. Wessen Debela: Human Rights Advocate and member of Center for Rights of Ethiopian Women (CREW), Washington, DC said though Ethiopian women intellectuals are more than 51% of the population, they participated less in the affairs of the country. Ms Wessen urged all women to participate in every aspect of socio-political life if they need to see a vibrant, prosperous Ethiopia.

ESAT will post the footage of the conference on its websit

Presence of Agazi forces worsens tensions in Oromia region

A representative of the Blue Party in Borena zone, and an organizer of the ongoing protest in Guji zone, in the Oromia region of Ethiopia told ESAT on Wednesday that the heavy presence of Agazi forces, a special kill squad of the regime in Addis Ababa had made the situation even tense in the region where people have been protesting for the last for months against economic and political marginalization by the minority regime.

Getachew Bekele, the representative of the Blue Party and a leading member of the uprising in Guji, whose name is withheld for his safety, said the protest in the region would continue until the demands by the people for justice, economic and political rights have been met.

He said the people in Oromia region were forced to stage an uprising as the regime failed to respect their political and economic rights. The regime had also opted for the use of deadly force against the people while at the same time giving contradictory statements about the popular uprising that’s taking place in all directions in the country.

One of the organizers of the protest in Guji also said the people there were able to take control of the Okote Gold Mining site for several days but they were overcome by brutal Agazi forces. He however said they would continue their struggle until their demands were met.

UK diplomats clash over Briton on death row in Ethiopia: Officials’ fury after Foreign Secretary claims he couldn’t ‘find time’ to help father-of-three facing execution

• Andargachew Tsege was snatched by officials at Yemen airport last June
• The 59-year-old was transferred to Ethiopia where he is thought to remain
• Father-of-three moved to London in 1979 from native African country
• He was dubbed ‘Ethiopian Mandela’ after exposing government corruption
• Leaked emails revealed British officials’ frustration at political inaction
• Philip Hammond said he could not ‘find time’ for phone call on issue

An explosive row has erupted between diplomats and Ministers over their reluctance to help a British man on death row in Ethiopia.

A series of extraordinary emails, obtained by The Mail on Sunday, reveal officials’ increasing frustration at political inaction over Andargachew Tsege.

Tsege, 59, a father-of-three from London, was snatched at an airport in Yemen last June and illegally rendered to Ethiopia. There are concerns he may have been tortured.

Yet Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond said he could not ‘find time’ for a phone call to raise the issue and did not want to send a ‘negative’ letter.

In one email, an exasperated official asks: ‘Don’t we need to do more than give them a stern talking to?’

Tsege, who has lived in the UK since 1979, has been called Ethiopia’s Nelson Mandela. Tsege fell out with his university friend ex-Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, after he exposed government corruption and helped establish a pro-democracy party.

In 2009, he was sentenced to death in his absence for allegedly plotting a coup and planning to kill Ethiopian officials – claims he denies.

He was abducted on June 23 while en route to Eritrea, emerging two weeks later in Ethiopia, where he has since been paraded on TV. It is not known where he is being held.

The diplomatic exchanges disclose how officials were dismayed when British Ministers rejected requests to raise the case with Ethiopia.

‘I feel so shocked and let down,’ said Tsege’s wife Yemi Hailemariam. ‘I thought Britain was a nation driven by fairness but it seems my husband’s life is simply not valued.’

The series of emails begins on July 1, with Foreign Office officials confirming his capture: ‘His detention in Yemen is significant news, and could get complicated for the UK.’

Diplomats noted that neither Yemen nor Ethiopia informed Britain about the rendition of its citizen. ‘It feels a bit like I’m throwing the kitchen sink at the Yemenis but I want them to think twice before they do this again,’ wrote one senior figure at the British Embassy in Addis Ababa. 

He also noted that a prominent Ethiopian minister had given assurances over Tsege’s treatment –‘but I wouldn’t take them with complete confidence’.

Ethiopia has claimed Tsege tried to recruit other Britons to become involved in terrorism. But the regime has used anti-terror laws to jail journalists and silence political rivals, and UK officials had not seen credible evidence. 

One diplomatic cable says: ‘All we have seen are a few pictures of him standing in an Eritrean village – hardly proof that he was engaged in terrorist training.’

Three weeks after Tsege’s kidnap, the Foreign Office’s Africa director wrote that Ministers ‘have so far shied away from talking about consequences… their tone has been relatively comfortable’.

On July 21, Hammond’s office was still reluctant to talk to his Ethiopian counterpart on the phone.

‘I don’t think we are going to be able to find time for that at the moment,’ wrote his private secretary. He also turned down sending a ‘negative’ letter, asking for it to be rewritten ‘setting out areas of co-operation. It can end with a paragraph on the Tsege case.’

Despite concerns over Ethiopia’s human rights record, the nation receives £376 million a year in UK aid. One farmer there is suing Britain, claiming the money was used to usurp him from his land.

Hammond is believed to have finally called his counterpart at the end of July, one month after the kidnap. It is understood he focused on requesting consular access rather than condemning the capture.

Reprieve, which campaigns against the death penalty said: ‘These shocking emails show the Foreign Secretary appears to have blocked any meaningful action that could potentially bring this British father home to his family, unharmed.’

The Foreign Office said they were ‘deeply concerned’ by Tsege’s detention and were lobbying for further consular access as well as seeking confirmation the death penalty would not be carried out.

Sorce: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/

What do Oromo protests mean for Ethiopian unity? – BBC

As protests in Ethiopia over the rights of the country’s Oromo people continue, Addis Ababa-based journalist James Jeffrey considers if they are threatening the country’s unity.

The latest round of bloody protests over Oromo rights had a tragically surreal beginning.
A bus filled with a wedding party taking the bride to the groom’s home was stopped at a routine checkpoint on 12 February near the southern Ethiopian town of Shashamane.

Local police told revellers to turn off the nationalistic Oromo music playing. They refused and the bus drove off.
The situation then rapidly escalated and reports indicate at least one person died and three others were injured after police fired shots.

The exact details of the incident are hard to verify, but what is clear is that days of protest followed, including armed local militia clashing with federal police, leaving seven policemen dead, the government says.
Oromia at a glance:

Map of Ethiopia
Oromia is Ethiopia’s largest region, surrounding the capital, Addis Ababa
Oromo are Ethiopia’s biggest ethnic group – making up about a third of Ethiopia’s 95 million people
The Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) is Oromia’s largest legally registered political party, but holds no seats in parliament

Why Ethiopia is making a historic ‘master plan’ U-turn
Since last November, Ethiopia has seen a third phase of the recent unrest in the Oromia region which has been unprecedented in its longevity and geographical spread.

The region is the largest in Ethiopia and the Oromos, who make up a third of the population, are the biggest of the country’s more than 80 ethnic groups.

Initially the protests were in reaction to a plan to expand the administrative border of the capital, Addis Ababa, which is encircled by Oromia.

But even after the region’s governing party, the Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation, which is part of Ethiopia’s governing coalition, shelved the plan in January, protests have continued.
Historical scars

“There is a strong sense of victimhood, extending back 150 years,” says Daniel Berhane, a prominent Addis Ababa-based political blogger, covering Ethiopia for the website Horn Affairs.
“People remember the history. The scars are still alive, such as how the Oromo language was suppressed until 20 years ago.”

Despite there being an ethnic basis to these protests, observers say that the deeper issues behind them, frustrations over land ownership, corruption, political and economic marginalisation, are familiar to many disenchanted Ethiopians.
People mourn the death of Dinka Chala who was shot dead by the Ethiopian forces the day earlierImage copyrightAFP
Image caption

The government has disputed the numbers given for those killed in the protests by rights groups
The numbers killed since November following clashes between protesters and security forces given by international rights organisations, activists and observers range from 80 to 250.
The government has dismissed various death tolls as exaggerations, and said that a recent report on the situation by the New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) was an “absolute lie”.
‘Organised gangs’

Ethiopian citizens had a right to question the plan to expand Addis Ababa, but the protests were hijacked by people looking to incite violence, according to government spokesman Getachew Reda.
He says the security forces have faced “organised armed gangs burning down buildings belonging to private citizens, along with government installations”.

A security analyst who closely watches Ethiopia says “there could be radical elements and factions taking advantage, but you cannot define a movement by isolated events”.
Despite violent incidents, the protests have been described as “largely peaceful” by HRW and observers in Ethiopia.

“There is a perception of lack of competence in governance on the ground,” Mr Daniel says.
“There were easy remedies to appease initial protests, it was not hard science, but the right actions were not taken.”

In its defence, the government says it heeded the call of the people when it came to concerns over the Addis Ababa plan, and observers say the government deserves credit for withdrawing it.
Oromo protester in MaltaImage copyrightReuters
Image caption

Oromos in the diaspora have taken part in protests in solidarity
But the same political observers add that the government must allow Ethiopians to exercise their constitutional right to protest, and handle events in a way that does not escalate violence.

The government has said that the protests and information about them have been manipulated by foreign-based opposition groups who are using social media to exaggerate what is going on for their own ends.
“The diaspora magnifies news of what is happening, yes, but no matter how much it agitates, it cannot direct [what’s happening] at village level in Ethiopia,” says Jawar Mohammed, executive director of one of those accused of fomenting conflict, US-based broadcaster Oromia Media Network (OMN).
“This is about dissatisfaction.”

An Ethiopian woman casts her ballot on May 24, 2015Image copyrightAFP
Image caption
The ruling coalition and its allies won every single seat at the 2015 election
Mr Jawar says the imprisonment of leaders of the Oromo Federalist Congress party, Oromia’s largest legally registered opposition political party, along with thousands of other Oromo political prisoners, makes it difficult to negotiate a lasting solution.

“Also what is the UK and US doing? As major donors to Ethiopia they should be taking the lead to get the government to work out an agreement.”
This is a long way from the heady days of Ethiopia’s new federal constitution after the overthrow of the military dictatorship in 1991.

That introduced a decentralised system of ethnic federalism, but this jars with the dominance of the governing Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which, along with its allies, holds every seat in parliament.

Federal tensions
“The ruling government is a victim of its own success,” the security analyst says.
An Ethiopian wearing traditional Oromo costume is pictured at the Prime Minister’s Palace as he pays his respects in Addis Ababa on August 31, 2012. Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles ZenawiImage copyrightAFP
Image caption

The Oromo make up Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group
“The constitution it developed made promises and people trusted the EPRDF. Now people are demanding those rights and the government is responding with bullets and violence.”

He adds that the government has expanded basic services and infrastructure, and appears to respect different cultural and ethnic identities, but it cannot reconcile this with its more authoritarian decision-making process.
The government’s hitherto successful job of holding together this particularly heterogeneous federation is not about to crumble, according to observers here.

But things may get worse before they get better, unless underlying sources of friction and frustration are addressed.

Students of AAU, Nekmte University stage protests

Students of Addis Ababa University staged a demonstration on Tuesday demanding an end to the brutal crackdown by security forces against protesters in the Oromia region of Ethiopia.

The students marched to the US Embassy located near the main campus carrying white cloth as a sign of peace. The students said they wanted to bring the issue to the attention of the US, a major ally of the tyrannical regime in Ethiopia. The students, however, were beaten by the police as they approached the Embassy and some of them, including the organizers were arrested.

Police entered the campus of Nekemte University and beat students who have continued to show their solidarity with the people in the Oromia region, who have been protesting for over three months against the encroachment of their land by the regime and demanding political and economic rights.

The protest in the Oromia region of Ethiopia, sparked by government’s plan to expand city limits to the farming communities that displaces farmers, continued unabated at various areas in East and West Hararge with the regime’s forces responding brutally.

Commentary: The Democratization Struggle of Ethiopia By Dubale Tariku

As a result of the popular unrest engulfed the Oromia kilil, it appears an interesting debate resurfaced among Ethiopian intellectuals of late. The long held consensus among the mainstream intellectuals that TPLF instituted ethnic based politics disintegrates the country, deprives the citizens to exercise individual freedom, restricts citizens movements to enclosed ethnic enclave, and encourages ethnic discrimination is challenged. What makes the current debate interesting is that it didn’t come from the usual quarter of ill wishers of Ethiopia. It came from good wishing intellectuals, notably Dr. Messay Kebede and Dr. Minga Negash (Unity Overrides Everything! – Messay Kebede January 20, 2016; Ethiopia Understanding the current protests in Ethiopia: A rejoinder By Minga Negash, February 24, 2016). In their articles the two advocated to consider ethnic based resistance as means of democratizing Ethiopia. We now found ourselves back to square one, the ways and means to create a just and fair society in Ethiopia have not drawn consensus among intellectuals.

Dr. Messay argued that ethnicity is already institutionalized in the last twenty-five years and will be difficult to go back to the ‘liberal’ type democratic systems. While, Dr. Minga argued that ethnic parties can serve as one of the civic-like institutions for safe guarding democracy as in liberal democracy civic institutions. Neither of them explained in any detail what mechanism will be implemented to shape the state of Ethiopia, if the country decided to institutionalize ethnic based administration. Without a suggested mechanism to democratically implement the recommendation, peaceful coexistence can only be assumed not assured. Drs Messay and Minga grossly underestimated the transformative power of democratic process. Both have ignored the fact that the current structural systems is a consequence of dictatorship not a process of democratization. They also ignored the fact that the Ethiopians struggle is not limited to removing TPLF but also includes removing the destructive institutions TPLF created to subvert democracy.

Ethiopia is a country with over 80 ethnic groups in varying population sizes and geographic settlements. To create the current ethnic administrative kilil, it has taken the brutal dictatorship of TPLF that would not have been created in democratic process. Without their consents, some ethnic groups have been lumped together and others have been split. To make the matter worst, resources have been unfairly divided among the killils. When ethnic killil have been created, a time bomb has been planted. By embracing the process that planted the time bomb and keeping the ethnic administrative structure that keeps the time bomb ticking will even more threatens the existence of Ethiopia.

Modern democracy has been around for long time. We should not be confused what democracy is and what it is not. Similarly, we know what democratic countries have accomplished and could accomplish. For properly functioning democracy, free civil institutions, the rule of law and democratic government are essential ingredients. All these institutions are grounded on individual rights. A step out of these principles, a democratic system simply ceases to exist and function. What Drs Messay and Minga offered Ethiopians for choices are false choices among dictatorships of one ethnic group over the other, not a true choice between democracy and dictatorship. Choosing among various dictatorships is far from reaching peaceful coexistence among ethnic groups.

For the very few who have access to the Internet, it is easy to notice that the Ethiopian social media has been manipulated by the few who mastered to exaggerate and deceive segment of population with less information supply. The few fanatics who dominated the social media solicited public support with multi-tiered of falsehood and coordinated deceit. Even the learned citizens are victims of misinformation. To counter this misinformation, the public has to liberate itself from manipulation and perversion. The capacity of various independent media outlets for collecting information from the ground is yet to be developed. The mobilization of ethnicity for taking social and political action has been effective among few ethnic groups. By any imagination, these few incidences should not have president to turn the struggle to democratize Ethiopia to different direction.

From the experience of other countries who established long term peace, the lessons to learn is that the long process of educating and rousing the public to the truth will provide the people knowledge of the true liberty and expose the myths and illusions spread by ethnic demagogues. Ethiopians should not forget, for a moment, the timelessness of liberal democracy and espouse to create institutions that protect the rights of all citizens and make them available for future generations of Ethiopia. At this critical period, what Ethiopians need is far-sighted leaders who will deliver the country from TPLF evil hands.

Konso protests draw military rule

KONSO, Southern Ethiopia - A clash between residents of the southern Konso people and members of the federal army erupted last week when the army arrested a leader of an elders group that was championing the people's demand for self-rule, territorial demarcation, basic facilities as well as the respect of human and political rights, sources have informed Ethiomedia.


In an ensuing violence, an elder man, Saitua Gara, died from gunshot wounds and a young man, Tesfaye Mamush, was left with broken legs. Many youths were reportedly beaten, and their whereabouts remained unknown.

A different group of 21 men and one woman also suffered injuries from beatings while being held at a Technical School in Karat, where the army has turned the school into a detention center.

 All schools in the town are closed while the locals have barricaded the roads to deter federal police reinforcements.

Machinegun-mounted trucks have added to the tense situation among the Konso, who have vowed that their peaceful protest will continue until their demands are met. The Konso protests surfaced on top of the 5-month-old Oromo protests that have been rocking the foundations of the ruling TPLF/EPRDF party.

Freedom House 2015 Report: Ethiopia’s Status NOT FREE

Freedom in the World : Ethiopia

Overview:

In 2014 the Ethiopian government continued to suppress free speech and associational rights, shattering hopes for meaningful reform under Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn. Government harassment and arrest of prominent opposition and media members continued, including the April arrest of nine journalists who were charged under Ethiopia’s controversial antiterrorism law. In April and May, massive protests in Oromia Regional State broke out following the announcement of the planned expansion of Addis Ababa into Oromia. At least 17 people died after the military fired on unarmed protesters.

Despite nascent signs of an opening with Eritrea, formal dialogues remain frozen between the two countries. The Ethiopian-Eritrean border remains highly militarized, though no major border clashes were reported in 2014.

Sporadic violence resumed in Ethiopia’s Ogaden region after talks failed in 2013 between the government and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), a separatist group that has fought for independence since 1991. In January 2014, two ONLF negotiators dispatched to Nairobi for a third round of talks were abducted and allegedly turned over to Ethiopian authorities by Kenyan police. The kidnappings effectively ended the talks.

Ethiopia ranked 32 out of 52 countries surveyed in the Ibrahim Index of African Governance, below the continental average and among the bottom in East Africa. The country’s modest gains in the index are due to its improvement in human development indicators, but its ranking is held back by low scores in the “Participation and Human Rights” category.
Political Rights and Civil Liberties:

Political Rights: 7 / 40 [Key]

A. Electoral Process: 1 / 12

Ethiopia’s bicameral parliament is made up of a 108-seat upper house, the House of Federation, and a 547-seat lower house, the House of People’s Representatives. The lower house is filled through popular elections, while the upper chamber is selected by the state legislatures; members of both houses serve five-year terms. The lower house selects the prime minister, who holds most executive power, and the president, a largely ceremonial figure who serves up to two six-year terms. Hailemariam has served as prime minister since September 2012, and Mulatu Teshome as president since October 2013.

The 2010 parliamentary and regional elections were tightly controlled by the ruling coalition party Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), with reports of voters being threatened with losing their jobs, homes, or government services if they failed to turn out for the EPRDF. Opposition party meetings were broken up, and candidates were threatened and detained. Opposition-aligned parties saw their 160-seat presence in parliament virtually disappear, with the EPRDF and its allies taking all but 2 of the 547 seats in the lower house. The next elections are scheduled for 2015.

B. Political Pluralism and Participation: 2 / 16

Shorn of their representation in parliament and under pressure by the authorities, opponents of the EPRDF find it difficult to operate. In July 2014, opposition members—two from Unity for Democracy Party, one from the Arena Tigray Party, and one from the Blue Party—were arrested without charges and held without access to legal representation. The Ethiopian government denies the arrests were related to 2015 elections, but the detainments follow the government’s pattern of suppressing political dissent prior to popular votes.

A series of December 2014 rallies by a coalition of opposition parties saw nearly 100 people arrested, including the chairman of the Semayawi Party. Witnesses report that police beat protesters, though nearly all those arrested were released on bail within a week.

Political parties in Ethiopia are often ethnically based. The EPRDF coalition is comprised of four political parties and represents several ethnic groups. The government tends to favor Tigrayan ethnic interests in economic and political matters, and the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front dominates the EPRDF. While the 1995 constitution grants the right of secession to ethnically based states, the government acquired powers in 2003 to intervene in states’ affairs on issues of public security. Secessionist movements in Oromia and the Ogaden have largely failed after being put down by the military.

C. Functioning of Government: 4 / 12

Ethiopia’s governance institutions are dominated by the EPRDF, which controlled the succession process following the death of longtime Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in 2012.

Corruption remains a significant problem in Ethiopia. EPRDF officials reportedly receive preferential access to credit, land leases, and jobs. Petty corruption extends to lower-level officials, who solicit bribes in return for processing documents. In 2013, the government attempted to demonstrate its commitment to fighting corruption after the release of a World Bank study that detailed corruption in the country. As part of the effort, the Federal Ethics & Anti-Corruption Commission made a string of high-profile arrests of prominent government officials and businessmen throughout 2013 and 2014. The Federal High Court sentenced many corrupt officials in 2014, including in one case a $2,500 fine and 16 years in prison. Despite cursory legislative improvements, however, enforcement of corruption-related laws remains lax in practice and Ethiopia is still considered “highly corrupt,” ranked 110 out of 175 countries and territories by Transparency International’s 2014 Corruption Perceptions Index.

Civil Liberties: 11 / 40

D. Freedom of Expression and Belief: 3 / 16

Ethiopia’s media are dominated by state-owned broadcasters and government-oriented newspapers. Privately owned papers tend to steer clear of political issues and have low circulation. A 2008 media law criminalizes defamation and allows prosecutors to seize material before publication in the name of national security.

According to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Ethiopia holds at least 17 journalists behind bars—the second-highest number of jailed journalists in Africa as of December 2014, after Eritrea. Restrictions are particularly tight on journalists perceived to be sympathetic to protests by the Muslim community, and journalists attempting to cover them are routinely detained or arrested. Those reporting on opposition activities also face harassment and the threat of prosecution under Ethiopia’s sweeping 2009 Antiterrorism Proclamation. At least 14 journalists have been convicted under Ethiopia’s antiterror law since 2011, and none convicted have been released.

In April 2014, police arrested nine journalists—six associated with the Zone9 blogging collective and three freelancers—and charged them with terror-related offenses. Their trial has been postponed 13 times and was closed to the public until recently; their defense lawyer claims the defendants were forced to sign false confessions while in prison.

In June, the government fired 18 people from a state-run, Oromia-based broadcaster, silencing the outlet’s reporting on Oromo protests. In August, the government charged six Addis Ababa–based publications with terrorism offenses, effectively shuttering some of the last independent news outlets inside Ethiopia. In October, three publication owners were convicted in absentia after they fled the country. The same month, Temesgen Desalegn, former editor of the weekly Feteh, was convicted under Ethiopia’s criminal code on defamation and incitement charges and sentenced to three years in prison.

Due to the risks of operating inside the country, many Ethiopian journalists work in exile. CPJ says Ethiopia drove 30 journalists into exile in 2014, a sharp increase over both 2012 and 2013. Authorities use high-tech jamming equipment to filter and block news websites seen as pro-opposition. According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), since 2010 the Ethiopian government has developed a robust and sophisticated internet and mobile framework to monitor journalists and opposition groups, block access to unwanted websites or critical television and radio programs, and collect evidence for prosecutions in politically motivated trials.

The constitution guarantees religious freedom, but the government has increasingly harassed the Muslim community, which has grown to rival the Ethiopian Orthodox Church as the country’s largest religious group. Muslim groups accuse the government of trying to impose the beliefs of an obscure Islamic sect, Al-Ahbash, at the expense of the dominant Sufi-influenced strain of Islam. A series of protests against perceived government interference in religious affairs since 2012 have ended in a number of deaths and more than 1,000 arrests.

Academic freedom is often restricted in Ethiopia. The government has accused universities of being pro-opposition and prohibits political activities on campuses. There are reports of students being pressured into joining the EPRDF in order to secure employment or places at universities; professors are similarly pressured in order to ensure favorable positions or promotions. The Ministry of Education closely monitors and regulates official curricula, and the research, speech, and assembly of both professors and students are frequently restricted. In 2014, the Scholars at Risk network catalogued three incidents in academia, including the jailing or firing of professors who expressed antigovernment opinions.

The presence of the EPRDF at all levels of society—directly and, increasingly, electronically—inhibits free private discussion. Many people are wary of speaking against the government. The EPRDF maintains a network of paid informants, and opposition politicians have accused the government of tapping their phones.

E. Associational and Organizational Rights: 0 / 12

Freedoms of assembly and association are guaranteed by the constitution but limited in practice. Organizers of large public meetings must request permission from the authorities 48 hours in advance. Applications by opposition groups are routinely denied and, in cases when approved, organizers are subject to government meddling to move dates or locations. Since 2011, ongoing peaceful demonstrations held by members of the Muslim community have been met with violent responses from security forces. Protesters allege government interference in religious affairs and politically motivated selection of members of the Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Supreme Council. Though momentum has slowed, protests continue.

After the government announced an expansion of Addis Ababa’s city limits into the Oromia Regional State in April 2014, thousands of Ethiopians took to the streets. Witnesses reported that police fired on peaceful protesters, killing at least 17—most of whom were students in nearby universities—and detained hundreds.

The 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation restricts the activities of foreign nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) by prohibiting work on political and human rights issues. Foreign NGOs are defined as groups receiving more than 10 percent of their funding from abroad, a classification that includes most domestic organizations as well. The law also limits the amount of money any NGO can spend on “administration,” a controversial category that the government has declared includes activities such as teacher or health worker training, further restricting NGO operations even on strictly development projects. NGOs have struggled to maintain operations as a result of the law.

Trade union rights are tightly restricted. Neither civil servants nor teachers have collective bargaining rights. All unions must be registered, and the government retains the authority to cancel registration. Two-thirds of union members belong to organizations affiliated with the Confederation of Ethiopian Trade Unions, which is under government influence. Independent unions face harassment, and trade union leaders are regularly imprisoned. There has not been a legal strike since 1993.

F. Rule of Law: 3 / 16

The judiciary is officially independent, but its judgments rarely deviate from government policy. The 2009 antiterrorism law gives great discretion to security forces, allowing the detention of suspects for up to four months without charge. After August 2013 demonstrations to protest the government’s crackdown on Muslims, 29 demonstration leaders were charged under the antiterrorism law with conspiracy and attempting to establish an Islamic state; their trial remains ongoing. Trial proceedings have been closed to the public, media, and the individuals’ families. According to HRW, some defendants claimed that their access to legal counsel has been restricted.

Conditions in Ethiopia’s prisons are harsh, and detainees frequently report abuse. A 2013 HRW report documented human rights violations in Addis Ababa’s Maekelawi police station, including verbal and physical abuse, denial of basic needs, and torture.

Yemen’s June 2014 arrest and extradition of British citizen Andargachew Tsige to Ethiopia at the government’s request has sparked outrage from human rights groups. Andargachew is the secretary-general of banned opposition group Ginbot 7 and was sentenced to death in absentia in 2009 and again in 2012 for allegedly plotting to kill government officials. Reports suggest that police have denied the British Embassy consular access.

Domestic NGOs say that Ethiopia held as many as 400 political prisoners in 2012, though estimates vary significantly. Nuredine “Aslan” Hasan, a student belonging to the Oromo ethnic group, died in prison in 2014; conflicting reports about the cause of his death—including torture—have not been verified.

The federal government generally has strong control and direction over the military, though forces such as the Liyu Police in the Ogaden territory sometimes operate independently.

Repression of the Oromo and ethnic Somalis, and government attempts to coopt their parties into subsidiaries of the EPRDF, have fueled nationalism in both the Oromia and Ogaden regions. Persistent claims that government troops in the Ogaden area have committed war crimes are difficult to verify, as independent media are barred from the region. The government’s announcement of its intention to expand Addis Ababa’s city limits into the Oromia Regional State exacerbates tensions over historical marginalization of Oromia; according to activists, the expansion will displace two million Oromo farmers.

Same-sex sexual activity is prohibited by law and punishable by up to 15 years’ imprisonment.

G. Personal Autonomy and Individual Rights: 5 / 16

While Ethiopia’s constitution establishes freedom of movement, insecurity—particularly in eastern Ethiopia—prevents unrestricted movement into affected sites.

Private business opportunities are limited by rigid state control of economic life and the prevalence of state-owned enterprises. All land must be leased from the state. The government has evicted indigenous groups from various areas to make way for projects such as hydroelectric dams. It has also leased large tracts of land to foreign governments and investors for agricultural development in opaque deals that have displaced thousands of Ethiopians. Up to 70,000 people have been forced to move from the western Gambella region, although the government denies the resettlement plans are connected to land investments. Similar evictions have taken place in Lower Omo Valley, where government-run sugar plantations have put thousands of pastoralists at risk by diverting their water supplies. Journalists and international organizations have persistently alleged that the government withholds development assistance from villages perceived as being unfriendly to the ruling party.

Women are relatively well represented in parliament, holding 28 percent of seats and three ministerial posts. Legislation protects women’s rights, but these rights are routinely violated in practice. Enforcement of the law against rape and domestic abuse is patchy, and cases routinely stall in the courts. Female genital mutilation and forced child marriage are technically illegal, though there has been little effort to prosecute perpetrators. In December 2012, the government made progress against forced child labor, passing a National Action Plan to Eliminate the Worst Forms of Child Labor and updating its list of problematic occupations for children.

Scoring Key: X / Y (Z)
X = Score Received
Y = Best Possible Score
Z = Change from Previous Year

source: https://freedomhouse.org/report/