onsdag 25. september 2013

African Dictators’ Crocodile Tear for Justice



he gluttonous and corrupt African tyrants are raising their voice again against the international criminal court (ICC).

 They are preaching us that ICC is an unjust institution which hunts only Africans. I do not think Africans would have any problem if this claim came from people other than African Rulers who murder innocent peoples every minute using guns, prisons, torture chambers, starvation and disease as weapons.

The urgent priority for these shameful despots is the unequal treatment of heinous criminals; not delivering justice for victims of the criminals. Is not this another indicator for the immoral nature of the African despots? Unlike these wicked dictators, I hope Africans would set the priority the other way around. Ya! Africans should demand justice for the victims before they talk about unequal treatment of mass murderers. Humanity exists wherever humans live.

 Therefore, perpetuators of crimes against humanity and genocide shall face justice (even after death) anywhere on this earth. The African dictators’ claim that ICC should set dreadful African murderers free since it is not chasing criminals from other parts of the world is a non-sense argument.


 The African oppressors (many of them mass murderers) are barking that the unjust ICC should stop looking for them when they massacre innocent African citizens in one or another way. What a shame! Which direction their three fingers direct when their index finger points towards the ICC? Do not these African tyrants kill citizens even when they are not happy with the color of their victims’ eyes? How many people are being killed in Africa every day by these despots’ armed forces? How many innocent people are dying in infested prisons? How many are experiencing physical, mental and psychological tortures in Africa as we speak? Is it not enamoring to observe when African rulers who slaughter their own citizens like livestock speak about justice?


ICC may have its own limitations. However, ICC is not looking for Nelson Mandela or John Mahama. ICC is looking for criminals who appointed themselves as rulers and committed crimes against humanity and genocide. Otherwise, who should be responsible for the bloodshed in Liberia, Rwanda, Sera Leone, Ethiopia, Libya, Kenya, Sudan and other unfortunate countries? Who shall be held accountable for the illegal imprisonments, tortures, disappearances, ethnic conflicts, mass murders being committed in most of African countries as we speak?


African dictators! Please listen if you have functioning ears and a processing brain. The major concern for your victims and perhaps for any humane- African citizen is your dictatorial rule, your boundless greed, your endless mass murder, crime against humanity and genocide; not ICC’s partiality. I do not think any concerned African citizen will care if Satan, let alone ICC, brings you to justice. An African adage goes “it does not matter where you crush the crop; just bring the flour.” What is needed is justice for your victims! You should face justice anywhere on earth or in the sky for the endless monstrous crimes you repeatedly committed against innocent Africans to prevent further flourishing of your clones on Africa soil.

The Fake ‘Amharas’ – To milk “Lamie Bora – ላሜ ቦራ”


Recently, someone one visited Britain from home on business tour and entertained us with an amusing story of Lamie Bora, the fictional character in the children’s stoy. Woyyane officials call us, Diaspora Lamie Bora (ላሜ ቦራ)። Are we really that “milka-cow?”
I am sure everyone who went to school in Ethiopia at my age knows the children story of Lamie Bora. Lamie Bora is a very touching story. The story goes like this. A dying mother entrusts her two children unto a cow, called “Lamie Bora.” Just before she died, she sung to the cow: “Lamie Bora! Lamie Bora! I leave my children’s wellbeing to you” (ላሜ ቦራ! ላሜ ቦራ! የልጆቼን ነገር አደራ). After a while the children’s father remarried another woman, who turned out to be a cruel stepmother. Every time she denied them food, the two children would go to Lamie Bora and sing “Lame bora! Lamie Bora! Don’t forget Mammie’s plea (ላሜ ቦራ! ላሜ ቦራ የእማምዬን አደራ!) Then Lamie bora would let the children suckle directly from the tits on her breast. Lamie Bora is supposed never to stop giving milk all year round.
This story is now retold among Woyyane agents referring to Diaspora as Lamie Bora, for the simple reason that whenever Woyyane runs out foreign currency it runs to the Diaspora – a cow full of milk all the year round. Every year, Woyyane officials fly to London, Washington and other major cities of the world, where exiled Ethiopians live in abundance with the hope of harvesting cash from the unsuspecting Diaspora – the cash cow. Their embassies have been instructed to implement the design for the purpose using various tactics. One such means is the Millennium Dum, (sorry I meant Dam), development associations, “Investors” and the recent 40/60 formula to own a house in Ethiopia! Recently, one of our church clergy renegades went for it, but fell out with the guys doing the business on some procedural grounds.
A good way of milking the milka-cow is to organise the Lamie Bora’s along their ethnic blood lines – such as the ‘Amhara’ Development Association, the Guragea Development Association, etc. This time, it is the ‘Amhara’ Lamie Bora’s turn to be milked in Queens capital city. The fake ‘Amhara’s (ቁጩ አማሮች)[1], are used as tools for the purpose. You rarely find any ‘Amhara’ among their leaders. Their organisation, The ‘Amhara’ National Democratic Movement (ANDM) was found in November 1980 in Tigray, at a place known as Tekrarwuha. The mission of ANDM – It’s all about shutting down the ‘Amhara’ threat. ANDM was the favoured puppet organization. They leadership was made up of various ethnic groups, but ‘Amhara’! They were then and are now actually predominantly Woyyanes disguised as Amaras. They are all fake-fake-fake to the root third rated ‘Amharas’. Take for Example, Bereket Simon. He is a Shabbo-banda whose mother and father hail from Eritrea.  Hilawi Yosef is either a Tigre or a Shabo-Banda like Bereket, but has no drop of ‘Amhara’ blood in him. Tefera Walwa is a Gimira. Well at least Gimira sounds like ‘Amhara’. The only ‘Amhara’ thing in Addisu Legesse is his name. He is an Oromo from Harar. Did you know who Tamirat Layne was before he became Tamirat Layne? His real name was Getachew Mamo Waqkenie. Go and figure out that. Tadesse Tinqishu, regardless of his beautiful name, is a Tigre? Is Kassu Ilalla sound ‘Amhara’? Give me a break! All the ethnic based organisations, except the TPLF were formed using the same formula. Their extensions in the Diaspora are called “development associations” followed by the appropriate suffixes. The “associations” are kind of support groups for the “forged” ethnic groups.
Coming back to the Lamie Bora story, the fake ‘Amharas’ in London are organised under “‘Amhara’ Development Association – UK”. Do you want to see, who they are exactly, from their 2011 fund raising event?http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8fmeHCLPgpU. Those of you who reside in London should be able to tell who is who in that video. The majority are Tigres, followed by Jamaicans and then some hod-aders like Yalew Kebede. Gondares have yet to tell us about the ethnic background of Yalew Kebede. Could he be another fake ‘Amhara’ like Bereket from Gondar?
This year, Lamie Bora – Diaspora is planned to be milked on 28 September 2013 at the Ethiopian Embassy. The entrance fee is free. Why not invite ourselves to the abundant food and drink? Oh, one more thing. Where are they advertising their event? Not of course mainstream websites, but Tigrai Online. This is yet another proof that this is another Woyyane organisation camouflaged as ‘Amhara’s! See for yourself.http://www.tigraionline.com/’Amhara’-ada-event-uk.html
The forged Amaras are disgusting who trade in the name of ‘Amhara’ to milk the Diaspora, to fill in the never quenching thirst of Woyyane for hard currency. It looks like its recent attempt to milk Lamie Bora did not work at fund raising events for the millennium dam, so they are punishing their Ambassadors for failing to trap Lamie Bora – the milka-cow. Many lost their jobs this week. May be the 40/60 formula for owning a house in Addis might attract some fools to sacrifice their hard earned currency. The idea is the Diaspora would pay 40% down payment in hard currency. The 60% would be lent in birr by the TPLF. Don’t you even think of owning the land on which the house is going to be built. It belongs to the TPLF. Whenever the TPLF wants the land, it will ask you to carry away your bricks and mortars as the land is needed by the landlord to be sold to foreign investors!
The Diaspora has to cease being treated like Lamie Bora. It has to distance itself from these corrupt and human rights abusers. Whenever one needs to do business with the TPLF, it is that person’s morale obligation to remember prisoners like Reyyot Alemu, Andualem Arage, Eskinder Nega, Nathnael Mekonen, Kinfemichael Debebe, Yohannes Terefe, Shambel Yeshewas Yehunealem and Andualem Ayalew, tens of thousands of members of the Oromo ethnic group and the illegally imprisoned Muslim leaders.
The Woyyane is a No. 1 corrupt regime in Africa. One would better avoid dealing with Woyyane at all levels unless that person wants to be milked dry. One can invest his/her money elsewhere, where a good return is expected without risk of being fleeced. The least, if you don’t want to invest, just drink your own milk rather than giving it to the Woyyane. Even some cows have become smarter and drinking their own milk rather than giving it away. Don’t you believe me? Watch the next clip!
Good for you, cow! Well done! You are much better than some Ethiopians that are regularly milked dry by the Woyyane!

Ethiopia: Beyond the Hubris of Evil

Reeyot Alemu

When I wrote a commentary on the plight of the imprisoned 32-year old Ethiopian journalist Reeyot Alemu last April, I titled it “The Audacity of Evil in Ethiopia.” At the time, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) had sent a letter to the “Minister of Justice” of the ruling regime in Ethiopia pleading medical care for Reeyot and urging them to spare her from a threatened solitary confinement. In that commentary, I explained why I was compelled to “stray from my professional fields of law and politics” to moral philosophy.
In this commentary, I am again compelled to indulge in philosophical musings on the hubris of evil. I am prompted once again by a statement of the Committee to Protect Journalists issued last week protesting the decision by the ruling regime to impose severe visitor restrictions on Reeyot.  CPJ “called upon the Ethiopian authorities to lift these latest restrictions and allow Reeyot Alemu to receive all visitors… She is a journalist, not a criminal, and should not be behind bars.”
Reeyot began a hunger strike to protest an order by regime officials to pre-clear a list of her prison visitors. “In retaliation for the hunger strike, authorities forbade her from having any visitors excluding her parents and priest.” She was subsequently told that “she could receive any visitors except for her younger sister and her fiancé, journalist Sileshi Hagos [who had spoken publicly about the visitor exclusion order]… Sileshi was detained for four hours at the prison later that day when he attempted to visit Reeyot.”
On a number of occasions, I have written about Reeyot’s plight, courage and fearless advocacy of press independence and public accountability in Ethiopia. In the last two years, she has become a heroine of press freedom not only in Ethiopia and Africa but the world. The prestigious international press awards she has received speak volumes on her ferocious defense of press freedom in Ethiopia. Reeyot was the recipient of the  International Women’s Media Foundation 2012 Courage in Journalism Award for “her refusal to self-censor in a place where that practice is standard, and her unwillingness to apologize for truth-telling, even though contrition could win her freedom.” She received the 2012 Hellman/Hammett award administered by Human Rights Watch “in recognition of her efforts to promote free expression in Ethiopia.” She also received the 2013 World Press Freedom Prize awarded by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) for “exceptional courage, resistance and commitment to freedom of expression”. She and co-political prisoner Eskinder Nega are two of seven journalists and human rights activists nominated for the European Parliament’s 2013 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought.
Virtually every major international human rights and press organization has come to Reeyot’s defense since her arrest in 2011. Human Rights Watch challenged the legal validity of the “terrorism” allegations against her and noted that “the descriptions of the charges [against Reeyot] in the initial charge sheet did not contain even the basic elements of the crimes of which the defendants are accused….”Amnesty International declared that “There is no evidence that [Reeyot and the other independent journalists] are guilty of any criminal wrongdoing. We believe that they are prisoners of conscience, prosecuted because of their legitimate criticism of the government. They must be released immediately and unconditionally.” PEN American Center “protested the harsh punishment handed down to” Reeyot and fellow political prisoner Woubshet Taye and demanded their “immediate and unconditional release.” The International Women’s Media Foundation saw Reeyot’s “trial” as an intimidation tactic against all independent women journalists: “The fact that the Ethiopian Government pursues and persecutes courageous, brave and professional women journalists does not bode well particularly for young women who may be interested in journalism. As a result, women’s voices (as reporters, editors, journalists, decision-making chambers) are rarely heard and women’s  issues are often relegated to secondary position.” CPJ demanded, “Writing critical columns about the government is not a criminal offense and is certainly not a terrorist act–Reeyot should be released immediately.” Many other organizations including Reporters Without Borders have expressed similar views and made demands for her immediate release.
Hubris of evil
When I wrote about the audacity of evil last April, I was philosophically concerned about the evils of ordinary human wickedness and bestial human behavior. I was concerned about gratuitous evil (pointless evil from which no greater good can be derived) committed by ordinary and sub-ordinary wicked people whose intellect is corrupted and are bereft of moral discernment and judgment. Here I write about the hubris of evil. In ancient Greece, hubris was the most heinous of crimes. Aristotle described hubris as an abusive act intended to shame and humiliate the victim, not because of anything the victim has done or might do but merely for the gratification and pleasure of the abuser. He wrote that the insolently hubristic “man thinks himself greatly superior to others when ill-treating them. That is why youths and rich men are insolent; they think themselves superior when they show insolence” (Rhetoric 1378b).
Hubris is a malignancy of the heart and depravity of the mind. The hubristically evil have two basic characteristics. First, they believe they are untouchable and accountable to no one. They have a sociopathic personality which prevents them from maintaining a sense of moral responsibility or social conscience. For them, there is no law to curtail their excesses because they believe their words and acts are ipso facto law. Feeding at the trough of moral nihilism (whatever they say is right or wrong), they are driven by a deep psychological need to degrade, humiliate, demean, brutalize and dehumanize their victims as a means to self-respect and personal empowerment. When they degrade and humiliate their defenseless and helpless victims, the derive a perverse pleasure of omnipotence, superiority and self-affirmation. For the hubristically evil, indifference is their modus vivendi (way of life) and cruelty their modus operandi (way of doing things).
Second, the hubristically evil are incapable of admitting wrong or accepting responsibility for their wrongful actions. Rather, they take cover in a perverted morality of blaming the victim. Instead of atoning for their misdeeds and accepting responsibility, they demand that the very victims they have humiliated, brutalized and abused get on their knees apologize to them and beg forgiveness. They have the brazen audacity to insist that their victims must take full responsibility for the abuse they have received from their abusers.
The political sadism of the regime in Ethiopia
As I seek to understand the hubris of the ruling regime in Ethiopia, I ask some simple questions. Why do those in power in Ethiopia want to torment and humiliate Reeyot (and the other political prisoners)? Isn’t a 14 year sentence enough punishment for a young woman who committed NO crime? Is the regime punishing her with solitary confinement, visitor restrictions, denial of medical care and subjecting her to daily degradation and humiliation because of her defiance and outright refusal to beg for a pardon to get out of prison? Do they take her defiance as her ultimate expression of contempt and lack of fear of them? What do they gain by locking her up in solitary confinement, an administrative action reserved only for the most violent inmates in any prison in the world? Does the regime resent Reeyot (and the other high profile political prisoners) because she is a shining star of press freedom not only for Ethiopia but also for women journalists in Africa, Latin America and Asia?
Those who insist on tormenting Reeyot, Eskinder, Woubshet and the other high profile political prisoners do so to force them to make a public confession of guilt for their “crimes” and beg for a pardon. The “pardon” trick was “invented” by the late honcho of the regime. After warehousing dozens of opposition leaders who won the May 2005 parliamentary election, the late regime leader set up an “elders committee” to facilitate a pardon process for them. To get out of prison, the opposition leaders had to sign a confession (“a pardon application”) which stated: “We, leaders of CUD, have accepted our mistake committed following the election disagreement of May 2005 in which we tried to change unconstitutionally various bodies of the government. We will take the responsibility in person and in group for these mistakes.” They signed the “confession” and were pardoned and released!
In December 2008, the late regime leader railroaded opposition leader Birtukan Midekssa, the first female political party leader in Ethiopian history, to prison on the bogus charge that she had “denied receiving a pardon”. After spending months in solitary confinement and suffering humiliation and degradation for nearly two years, Bitrukan “confessed” and “submitted a second application for pardon” stating: “I express my deep regret for deceiving the Ethiopian people and government by denying my release on pardon. Pledging not to ever resort to such fraudulent and deceptive acts I beg the Ethiopian people and government to grant me pardon.” She was “pardoned” in October 2010 and released!
In October 2011, Swedish journalists Johan Persson and Martin Schibbye were sentenced to eleven years as “terrorists”.  At the time, I predicted that soon enough the late leader  “will grandstand and declare the two journalists have been pardoned and released after they admitted guilt, expressed remorse and so on.” In September 2012, the two journalists were released after they submitted an “application for pardon”.  The regime put the two journalists on regime-owned television and forced them to confess that they “regretted entering the country with armed separatists of the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and without documentation.”
There is no question that Reeyot, Eskinder, Woubshet and the other political prisoners can walk out of prison at any time if they “confess” wrongdoing and “submit a pardon application.”  All Reeyot has to do to walk out of prison at any time is to get down on her knees, bow down her head, confess her political transgressions and beg to be “pardoned”. But Reeyot refuses to beg a “pardon” because she has done nothing wrong for which she needs to be pardoned. Following her sentence, Reeyot’s father, responding to a reporter’s question on whether he would advise his daughter to apologize and beg for a pardon, replied:
This is perhaps one of the most difficult questions a parent can face. As any one of us who are parents would readily admit,   there is an innate biological chord that attaches us to our kids. We wish nothing but the best for them. We try as much as humanly possible to keep them from harm…. Whether or not to beg for clemency is her right and her decision. I would honor and respect whatever decision she makes… To answer your specific question regarding my position on the issue by the fact of being her father, I would rather have her not plead for clemency, for she has not committed any crime.
The same goes for Eskinder Nega and Woubshet Taye. They have done nothing wrong so they shall ask for no pardon!
On another level, I also believe that the regime leaders deeply resent Reeyot, Eskinder, Woubshet and the other high profile political prisoners for the international attention and support they have been able to command. In many ways, these “bothersome” journalists have created a public relations nightmare for the regime. As I understand, many of the regime leaders believe these journalists have not only discredited them internationally but also taken the international recognition they feel they deserve.
In a comedic way, the regime leaders in Ethiopia remind me of the American comedian and actor, Rodney Dangerfield, known for the catchphrase “I don’t get no respect!” Regardless of what they do, they “don’t get no respect.” They sought world recognition for their single minded determination to build the “largest dam in Africa”, the so-called Renaissance Dam. That fantasy dam has become a potential casus belli (war justification) for Egypt. I called it dam of the damned. The regime trumpeted its 11 percent annual economic growth for the past decade, a canard mindlessly bandied about  by many of the world’s respected news organizations and even U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry. I totally debunked that bold-faced lie in my commentary “Kerry-ing on With African Dictators”. For two decades, the regime proclaimed a warped doctrine of ethnic federalism as a political panacea for Ethiopia, but it was shown to be nothing more than a kinder and gentler form of Bantustans (kilils) under Apartheid South Africa. The regime and its late honcho sought domestic and international respectability for their “historic” and “monumental” achievements. Regardless of what they did or said, like Rodney Dangerfield, they just “don’t get no respect.”
A win-win proposal for the release of Reeyot, Eskinder, Woubshet and other political prisoners
I believe there is a legal way out of the “pardon” dilemma. Let’s be perfectly honest! We all know what the problem is:  The regime needs to save face for imprisoning Reeyot, Eskinder, Woubshet and the other political prisoners without just cause. Their signature way of saving face — namely having the victims confess their guilt in public and apply for a pardon — is not a workable political solution with these young journalists. But a legal solution is what is needed; and the dispositive question is whether the approval of Reeyot, Eskinder, Woubshet and the other political prisoners  is a necessary legal precondition for granting them pardon. It is not!
The regime can legally pardon the imprisoned journalists and others suo motu (a fancy legal word which means an act of authority taken without formal prompting from another party). Article 11 of Proclamation No. 395/2004 (“A Proclamation to Provide for the Procedure of Granting Pardon”) provides, “The main purpose of granting pardon is to ensure the welfare and interest of the public.” Article 12 provides that “…  the Ministry of Justice and the Federal prison commission may apply for pardon for persons entitled to it. Where the offices (sic) decides to apply for pardon, it shall deliver a copy of the application letter to the person in whose favour it is to be made.” The “person in whose favour a petition for pardon has been submitted pursuant to Sub-Article 2 of this Article declines it, he shall notify, the same to the Board in writing within fifteen consecutive working days.” Unless the prospective recipient of a pardon expressly refuses the pardon, “the acceptance of the pardon shall be presumed.”
Simply stated, the regime can declare that it has granted pardon and released Reeyot, Eskinder, Woubshet and the other political prisoners “to ensure the welfare and interest of the public” and in proper exercise of its prerogative under the Proclamation. I cannot imagine any reasonable person challenging or criticizing the regime for exercising its discretionary legal pardon authority on its own. The simple fact is that the regime does not need the request or approval of Reeyot, Eskinder, Woubshet and the other political prisoners to grant them pardon. The regim can simply issue the pardon and tell them they are free to go. No “muss, no fuss”!
My own studies of pardon powers in other societies have led me to the conclusion that pardon is a prerogative of mercy exercised by state authorities to mitigate the severity of the law. It is a discretionary power  that can be exercised at any time to temper retribution with mercy,  correct a miscarriage of justice or reconcile the ends of justice with compelling social and political needs. U.S. presidents have granted amnesties after the Civil War to the Southern rebels and to those who avoided the draft during the Vietnam War. President Bill Clinton granted pardon to Patricia Hearst who committed horrendous “terrorist acts” as a member of the Symbionese Liberation Army.
I harbor no illusions that the regime will pay any attention to my “win-win” proposal for the release of Reeyot, Eskinder, Woubshet and the other political prisoners. How could they possibly even consider a proposal from their severest and most relentless critic? They will no doubt dismiss anything I have to say because they probably believe I am proposing it to make them look bad or inflexible or show them to be obdurate. But this is not about my personal feelings or attitudes towards them or their governance style. It is all about their own pardon law and what they can do legally, immune from criticism or condemnation by anyone.  
All I am proposing is use of the regime’s own pardon law to face a critical human rights problem in such a way that they will not lose face or face criticism; and in fact by courageously facing the issue, they can gain universal approbation and admiration. The power of “pardon” is not in the hands of Reeyot, Eskinder, Woubshet and the other political prisoners. It is totally in the hands of the regime; and it can be exercised at will and at any time. Why not right a wrong when one has the unquestioned legal power to right a wrong and do the right thing?
“I believe that I must contribute something to bring a better future in Ethiopia.” Reeyot Alemu
Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.

ከለውጡ በኋላስ? (ጋዜጠኛ ተመሰገን ደሳለኝ )

ኢህአዴግ ወደ መጨረሻው ምዕራፍ (በውስጥም በውጪም ተግዳሮቶች) መገፋቱን በሚያመላክቱ የፖለቲካ አጀንዳዎች ላይ የሚያጠነጥን አንድ ፅሁፍ (‹የአብዮቱ የምፅዓት ቀን ምልክቶች›› በሚል ርዕስ) አቅርቤ እንደነበር ይታወሳል፤ ይዘቱም በመጪዎቹ ወራት ወይም ዓመት ስርዓቱ ‹ምርጫ› አሊያም ‹ህዝባዊ› እምቢተኝነት ከሚያመጣው ‹ማዕበል› (እንደበረከት ስምዖን አገላለፅ ‹ናዳን በሚገታ ሩጫ›) የማምለጥ ዕድሉ የጠበበ መሆኑን የሚያመላክት ነው፤ ይሁንና አንድ አብዮት ታላቅ (ውጤታማ) ሊባል የሚችለው አምባገነን ስርዓትን በመቀየሩ ብቻ ስላልሆነ (ሥር-ነቀል ለውጥ የሚፈጥር አብዮት ዋጋ የሚኖረው የዲሞክራሲ ተቋማትን መሰረት መጣል ሲችል ነውና) በቀጣይ መፃኢ ዕድሉ ላይ መነጋገሩ አስፈላጊ ነው ብዬ አስባለሁ፡፡
በዚህ ፅሁፍህ ተጠየቅም ‹ከስርዓቱ ለውጥ በኋላ፣ ማን ነው አማራጩ?› የሚለው ጥያቄ ትኩረት ይደረግበት ዘንድ አመላክታለሁ፡፡
ምክንያቱም በጠለፉ መንገድ ከቀሩ አብዮቶች ታሪክ ተምረን፣ ‹መጥነን ካልደቆስን› የሚከፈለውን ዋጋ በብላሽ የሚያስቀር አሳዛኝ ሁናቴ ሊፈጠር ይችላልና (ቭላድሚር ኤሊች ሌኒን ‹‹አብዮት፣ ለአብዮት ብቻ ሲባል መካሄድ የለበትም›› እንዲል፣ ከኢህአዴግ መገላገሉ መልካም ቢሆንም፣ የአገላጋዩን ማቀፊያ ከወዲሁ መምረጡ ወይም የምንጠይቀውን ማወቁ ብልህነት ነው)
Journalist Temesgen Desalegn
Journalist Temesgen Desalegn
አማራጩ ተወልዷልን?
ከኢህአዴግ በኋላ የሚተካው አማራጭ ተዘጋጅቷል? …ይህንን ቀዳዳ አስቀድሞ መድፈኑን አስቸኳይ ያደረገው፣ ለውጡ የሚመጣበት መንገድ ‹ከህዝባዊ እምቢተኝነት› ይሆናል የሚለው ቅደመ-ግምት ነው፡፡ ከታዓማኒና በዕኩል አሳታፊ ምርጫ የሚነሳ ሽግግር (‹ሕዝብ የሚፈልገውን ያውቃልና ውሳኔው መከበር አለበት› ከሚለው የዲሞክራሲ ፅንሰ-ሃሳብ በመነሳት) አሳሳቢነቱ ከአደባባይ ተቃውሞ የሚመነጨውን ያህል አይደለም፤ ስለዚህም ከስጋት ነፃ መሆን የሚቻለው በሰላማዊ መንገድ ለመታገል መሰረታቸውን ሀገር ቤት አድርገው በህግ የተመዘገቡ የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች የቤት ስራቸውን ሰርተው ዝግጁ ሆነው ሲጠብቁ ብቻ ነው፡፡ ይህ ግን የድርጅቶቹን ቁጥር ከሰማኒያ በላይ ከማሻቀብ ያለፈ አስተዋፅኦ የሌላቸውን አሰስ-ገሰስ ‹ፓርቲ›ዎች በሙሉ እንደሚመለከት ተደርጎ መወሰድ የለበትም፡፡
ነፍስ ይማርና በ‹‹ልዕልና ጋዜጣ›› እልፍ አእላፍ ችግሮቹን ማረም ከቻለ መድረክ ተስፋ ሊጣልበት ይችላል ብዬ እንደማስብ መፃፌን አስታውሳለሁ፡፡ ከቅርብ ጊዜ ወዲህ ደግሞ የመድረክ አሰላለፍ ሊቀየር በማጋደሉ (ከአንድነት ጋ አብሮ መቀጠሉ ማጠራጠሩ) እና ሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አዎንታዊ እንቅስቃሴ ከማድረጉ አኳያ ተፎካካሪ ሊሆን የሚችልበት ዕድል በመፍጠሩ፣ በአጀንዳው ላይ ማካትቱን ተገቢ ሆኖ አግኝቸዋለሁ፡፡ ይሁንና ሌሎች ፓርቲዎችን እዚህ ጋ ያላነሳሁበት፣ ከላይ ከጠቀስኩት በተጨማሪ ሶስት ምክንያቶች አሉኝ፤ ቅቡልነትን ማጣት፣ እንቅስቃሴ አልባ መሆን እና በገዥው ፓርቲ ስፖንሰርነት መተንፈስ የሚሉ፡፡
መድረክ
የስድስት ፓርቲዎች ስብስብ ነው፤ በምርጫ ሁለት ሺህ ሁለት (ምንም እንኳ ከአንድ የምክር ቤት ወንበር በላይ ባይሳካለትም) ከሁሉም ተቀናቃኞች በላይ ጐልቶ መውጣት ችሎ እንደነበር ይታወሳል፡፡ የአምስተኛውን ዙር ሀገር አቀፍ ምርጫም ተስፋ አድርጎ ለመጠበቁ ማሳያዎቹ፡- አንድም ስብስቡ ዛሬም ህላዊ መሆኑ፣ ሁለትም ለበርካታ አባላቱና ደጋፊዎቹ ወደ ‹ግንባር ተሻጋገሩ› ግፊት ምላሽ መስጠት መቻሉ ነው፡፡
በምስረታው ዋዜማና ማግስት ብዙ የተነገረለት መድረክ እርስ በእርሱ (በአንድ ጠርዝ-የአንድነት አመራሮች፤ በሌላኛው-ኦፌኮ እና ኢሶዴፓ) የፈጠረው ውዝግብ በዙሪያው ለተሰለፉ አባላትና ደጋፊዎች ተስፋ አስቆራጭ ነው፡፡ ለግንባሩ ቅርብ የሆነ ወዳጄ የችግሩን መጦዝ የገለፀው ‹‹ሁለቱ ጎራዎች በስብሰባ ወቅት ‹በውሃ ቀጠነ› ለፀብ ሲገባበዙ የሚያይ እና ለስድብ የሚጠቀሙባቸውን ቃላት የሚሰማ በአንድ ግንባር የተሰለፉ ናቸው ብሎ ከሚያምን ‹ግመል በመርፌ ቀዳዳ መሽሎኩን› ቢቀበል ይቀለዋል›› በሚል ምፀት ነው፡፡ አደጋውን የከፋ የሚያደርገው ደግሞ ኩነቶቹ ከመለዘብ ይልቅ መባባሳቸው ይመስለኛል፡፡
በመሬት ያለው እውነታ ይህ ቢሆንም፣ ፓርቲው በ2005 ዓ.ም ወርሃ መጋቢት ወደ ‹ግንባር› መሻገሩን ከማብሰሩም በላይ፣ ‹‹የኢትዮጵያን ወቅታዊና መሰረታዊ ችግሮች የመፍቻ አጋጣሚዎች›› በሚል ርዕስ ይፋ ባደረገው ባለአራት ገፅ ‹ማኔፌስቶ›፣ የሀገሪቱን ችግር በሙሉ በአራት ክፍል ቀንብቦ ካስቀመጠ በኋላ፣ ጉዳዩን ፈረንጅኛው ‹የሲኒ ማዕበል› እንደሚለው አድርጎ በማለፍ የ‹ደግፉኝ› ጥሪውን እንዲህ ሲል አስተላልፏል፡-‹‹ይህንን ፀረ-ህዝብና ፀረ-ሀገር የሆነውን ኢህአዴጋዊ ስርዓት በሰላማዊ አግባብ በምታደርገው ብርቱ ትግልህ መለወጥ እንደምትችል ካለፈው የትግል ተሞክሮህ ሆነ የአለም ህዝቦች ለነፃነት፣ ለዕኩልነትና ለፍትህ ብሎም ለዴሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት እውን መሆን ከሚያደርጓቸው እንቅስቃሴዎችና ከሚያስመዘግቧቸውም ድሎች ትገነዘባለህ፡፡ ስለሆነም መድረክ ይህንን ክቡር ትግልህን በመምራት ባለቤትነት እንድትበቃ በፅናትህ ከጎንህ ሆኖ ለመታገለ መወሰኑን ተገንዝበህ ከምንጊዜም በላይ ሁለንተናዊ ድጋፍህን እንድትሰጥ ጥሪያችንን በከፍተኛ አክብሮትና በአንተም ላይ ባለን ሙሉ እምነት እናስተላልፋለን፡፡››በግሌ መድረክ ራሱ በሁለት ምክንያቶች እምነት ሊጣልበት የሚችል አልመስለኝም፡፡
የመጀመሪያው ከአንድነት ጋር የገባበት ድምፅ የለሽ ውዝግብ ከዕለት ወደ እለት እያደገ መሄዱ ነው፤ አዲሱ የዶክተር መረራ ጉዲና መጽሐፍም ቅራኔውን ቢያሳፋው አይገርምም፤ ዶ/ሩ ስለ2002ቱ ምርጫ ባወሳበት ምዕራፍ ‹‹የ1997ቱ የቅንጅት ወራሽ ነው ብለን የተማመንበት አንድነት እውነተኛ ወራሽ ለመሆን በጣም ብዙ እንደሚቀረው ተረዳው›› ያለበት ግምገማ እና ‹‹ያልገባኝና የሚከነክነኝ አንድነት ኦሮሚያ ላይ በብዛት ያወዳደራቸው ኦህዴድ ያሰማራቸው ወሮበሎች ነበሩ›› ፍረጃው ‹ትችት›ን በቅንነት ለመቀበል ልምድ ከሌለው የሀገሪቱ ፖለቲካ አንጻር አቧራ ማስነሳቱ አይቀሬ ለመሆኑ መገመቱ አይከብድም፡፡ ይህ እንግዲህ አንድነትን የአማራ (የከተማ ልሂቃን) ተወካይ የሚያደረገውን ወቀሳ ሳይጨመር ነው (እዚህ ጋ የሚነሳው አስቂኙ ጉዳይ ወቀሳውን የሚሰነዝሩት አባል ፓርቲዎች አንድነት የብሔር ድርጅት ቢሆን ይበልጥ ተጠቃሚ ከመሆናቸው በተጨማሪ ለአብዛኛው ችግሮቻቸው በቀላሉ መፍትሄ የመስጠቱ ጉዳይ ሲታሰብ ነው) ሁለተኛው መድረኩ ከለውጡ በኋላ ሀገር ለመምራት የሚያስችል የጠራ የፖለቲካ አመለካከት አለመከተሉ ነው፤ በውስጡ ያሉ ፓርቲዎች ቢያንስ ሁለት የተለያዩ ፕሮግራም የሚያራምዱ መሆናቸው ይታወቃል፡፡
የአንድነትን እና የኦፌኮን ፕሮግራም ብንወስድ
የችግሩን ግዝፈት ያሳየናል፤ አንድነት መልካ ምድር ላይ ስለተመሰረተ ፌደራሊዝም አስተዳደር ጠቀሜታ ሲያብራራ፤ የኦፌኮ ባለስድስት ገፅ ፕሮግራም ደግሞ በማንነት ላይ ስለተመሰረተ ፌደራሊዝም ይሰብካል፡፡ በግልባጩ ውድሀት ይፈፅሙ እንዳይባል ደግሞ የእነ ዶ/ር መረራ
‹ከተዋህድን ኦሮሞ ተውጦ ይጠፋል› ስጋት ጋሬጣ ነው፡፡ አንዳንድ የአመራር አባላቱ ‹‹ዓላማችን ቅድሚያ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ተቋማትን መገንባት ነው›› የሚል መከራከሪያ ሲያቀርቡ ቢደመጡም፣ ከዚህ በኩል ከሚነሳው ተግዳሮት በቀላሉ የሚመለጥ አይመስለኝም (በነገራችን ላይ መድረኩ በወቅታዊው ቁመና ‹ግንባር› ለመመስረት የሚያስችለውን መስፈርት ሟሟላቱ ራሱ አጠራጣሪ ነው)
አንድነት
የአንድነት ተግዳሮት ወደ መድረክ ከመግባት ጋ ተያይዞ የመጣ ነው (ከጠዋቱ ሰማያዊ ፓርቲን የመሰረቱት ወጣቶች ከድርጅቱ ለመውጣት አንዱ ምክንያታቸው ይህ እንደሆነ ይታወሳል)፤ ትብብሩን ‹ያልተባረከ ጋብቻ› የሚያስብለው ደግሞ የዛሬ አራት ዓመት ‹ወደ መድረክ ካልገባን ትግሉን እናደናቅፋለን› ሲሉ የነበሩ አንዳንድ የአንድነት አመራሮች የውዝግቡ ተሳፊ መሆናቸውን ስንመለከት ነው፤ መተነኳኮሱ በ2002ቱ ምርጫ ማግስት የተጀመረ ቢሆንም፣ ባለፈው ዓመት ወደ መጦዝ ተሸጋግሯል፡፡ በተለይም አንድነት ‹‹የሚሊዮኖች ድምፅ ንቅናቄ›› በሚል መርህ ያካሄደው የሶስት ወር ዘመቻ መድረክን አለማካተቱ የሚያስተላልፈው መልዕክት ግልፅ ነው፡፡ በ‹‹ፀረ-ሽብር›› አዋጁ ላይ (ኢህአዴግንና ኢዴፓን ጨምሮ) በተደረገው ክርክርም አንድነት እና መድረክ በተለያዩ ሰዎች ተወክለው መቅረባቸው ግንኙነቱን እንደ ቀድሞ ለማየት አስቸጋሪ አድርጎታል፡፡
ይህም ሆኖ አንድነት በራሱ የተሻለ ፓርቲ ሆኖ ሊወጣ የሚችልበት ዕድል አለው፡፡ ምሁራዊ ስብስቡም ሆነ የኢኮኖሚ አቅሙ (የዲያስፖራ ድጋፉ) አንፃራዊ ጥንካሬ እንዲያገኝ ረድቶታል፤ ርዕዮተ-ዓለሙንም ከተቀናቃኝ ፓርቲዎች በጠበቀ መልኩ ማዘጋጀቱ
ለቅቡልነቱ አስተዋፅኦ ሊያደርግለት ይችላል፤ ከመኢአድ ጋር የጀመረውን ውህደት (‹የአማራ ተወካይ› የሚለውን ፍረጃ ቢያጠናክረውም) ከዳር ካደረሰ ደግሞ ከአቻዎቹ ጋ ያለው ልዩነት በእጅጉ መስፋቱ አይቀሬ ነው (መኢአድ የፈራረሰው ከአናት ነውና ግዙፍ መዋቅሩ ‹እረኛ አልባ› በመሆኑ፣ አንድነት በውህደት ስም ቢሰበስበው በከፍተኛ ደረጃ ይጠቅመዋል)
የወል-መንገድ
በቀጣይ የተሻለ አማራጭ ሆኖ ለመገኘት መድረክና አንድነት መቻቻላቸው ወሳኝ ነው፡፡ ይሁንና ኩነቱን በታዛቢነት መመልከት የመረጡት የአረና ሰዎቸ በግንባሩ ቢሮ ሰላም ለማውረድ የአስታራቂነት ሚና ቢጫወቱ ጠቃሚነቱ ለእነርሱም ነው፡፡ አንድነቶችም፣ በመድረክ ስም እዚህ ድረስ ለመጓዝ የከፈሉት ዋጋ ብላሽ ከሆነ ማንንም አያተርፍም፡፡ በአናቱም ወቅታዊው የኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ አስገዳጅ መሆኑ መረሳት የለበትም፡፡ ምክንያቱም አንድነት የሰበሰባቸው ልሂቃኖችም ሆኑ በሀገሪቱ የተለያዩ ከተሞች ያነበረው መዋቅር (ጥንካሬው ላይ ያለኝ ጥርጣሬ እንደተጠበቀ ሆኖ) ቅድሚያ ለብሔር ፖለቲካ ከሚሰጡ አካባቢዎች በ‹መድረክ ባርኔጣ› በሚገኝ ድጋፍ (ድምፅ) ካልታገዘ በቀር አየር ላይ ተንጠልጥሎ ከመቅረት አይታደገውም፡፡
የመድረክ ተግዳሮትም ተመሳሳይ ነው፤ በፖለቲካው ላይ ውጤት የሚያዛባ ተፅዕኖ ማሳረፍ የሚቻላቸውንና አንድነት የራሱ ያደረጋቸውን ከተሜዎች ‹ቡራኬ› ሳይቀበል ወደ ውድድር መግባቱ ‹ውሃ በወንፊት…› አይነት ሊሆንበት ይችላል፡፡ የመድረክንና የአንድነትን የወል ቀዳዳ መዘርዘሩን እዚሁ ገትቼ፣ የተሻለ ጥንካሬና የመግባባት መንፈስ ለማስረፅ በቅድሚያ የችግሮቻቸውን መንስኤ ለይተው ማወቅ አለባቸው ብዬ ስለማስብ፣ በግሌ ‹ያለመግባባቱ መነሻ› ከምላቸው ዋና ጉዳዮች ሶስቱን በአዲስ መስመር እጠቅሳለሁ፡፡
፩- የፕሮግራም መጋጨት ያመጣው ጣጣ አንዱ ነው፤ ይኸውም የፀቡ የቡድን አባቶች የ‹ሕብረ ብሔር› እና የ‹ክልል› ፖለቲካ አቀንቃኝነት፣ ሁሉም አባል ፓርቲዎች መድረኩን ሲፈጥሩ የየራሳቸውን ፕሮግራም እንደያዙ መሆኑ፣ ጥቂት የማይባሉ ልዩነታቸውን ሳይፈቱ ‹በይደር› ማስቀመጣቸው… እንደ ማሳያ ይጠቀሳሉ፡፡ ይህ ሁኔታም የእርስ በእርስ መተማማን እንዳይኖራቸው ያደረገ ይመስለኛል(ከዚህ አኳያም ለመፍትሄው ቅድሚያ ከልሰጡ በመድረክ በኩል ‹መጪው ጊዜ ብሩህ ይሆናል› ብሎ መጠበቅ ‹የዋህ› ሊያስብል ይችላል) የጫናው ተፅእኖ ደግሞ በሁለቱም በኩል (በአንድነትና በብሄር ድርጅቶቹ) ከሚከተሉት የፖለቲካ አመለካከት አንፃር ወደ ስልጣን የመምጣቱ አጋጣሚ ቢፈጠር፣ የታገሉለትን ስርዓት ማንበሩ ፍፁም አዳጋች መሆኑን በማስታወስ ነው፤ አንድነቶች ፓርቲያቸው ከመድረክ እንዲወጣ ይጎተጉታሉ፤ ብሔር ተኮሮቹ ደግሞ ‹አንድነት የነፍጠኛውን ስርዓት የሚመለስ በመሆኑ፣ ወይ ወደ ብሄር ድርጅት ራሱን ይቀየር፣ አሊያም ፕሮግራሙን ይከልስ› የሚለው ሙግታቸው በአሳማኝ ሁኔታ መፍትሄ አለማግኘቱ ራሱን የቻለ ሌላ ትግል ከሚፈልግ አጀንዳ ጋ አላትሟቸዋል፡፡
፪-አንድነት በሚያራምደው የሊብራል ዲሞክራሲ እና አብዛኛው የመድረክ አባል ድርጅቶች በሚከተሉት የሶሻል ዲሞክራሲ መካከል ያለውን ልዩነት የማሰታረቅ ስራ አለመሰራቱ ነው፡፡ ‹‹የአንድነት ፓርቲ ስትራቴጂና የአምስት ዓመት ዕቅድ›› በሚል ርዕስ 246 ገፅ ይዞ በታተመው መፅሀፍ ላይ ‹‹አንድነት የሚመሰረትበት ርዕዮተ-ዓለም ሊበራሊዝም ሆኖ በማህበራዊና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ፖሊሲዎች የሶሻል ዲሞክራሲን ጠቃሚ ገፅታዎች ይወስዳል›› የሚለው አንቀፅ ቢጤን ለመልካም ግንኙነት መደላድል መሆን ይችላል (በነገራችን ላይ‹እንዲህ የችግር ቋት ተሸክመው ስለምን በጋራ ለመስራት ተስማሙ?› የሚል ጥያቄ መነሳቱ አይቀርምና ግምቴን ላስቀምጥ፤ የብሔር ድርጅቶቹን እስትንፋስ የሚቆጣጠሩት ፕ/ር በየነ ጴጥሮስ እና ዶ/ር መረራ ጉዲና ምርጫ 97ን ከሁለት አቅጣጫ ገምግመው ከደረሱበት ድምዳሜ ጋ የሚያያዝ ይመስለኛል፤ ይኸውም ‹አንድነት፣ የቅንጅት ወራሽ ነው› የሚለው የተሳሳተው ትንተና አንዱ ሲሆን፣ ሁለተኛው በዛው ምርጫ ተቀማጭነታቸው አውሮፓና አሜሪካ ከሆኑ አስራ ሁለት ፓርቲዎች ጋር መስርተውት የነበረው ‹‹ህብረት››፣ ፓርላማ በመግባታቸው፣ ከውግዘት ጋር እንዲባረሩ በማድረጉ ያሳደረባቸው መገለል ሊሆን ይችላል፤ በአንድነት በኩል ደግሞ ‹የመድረኩ መሀንዲስ› ተደርገው የተወሰዱት ዶ/ር ነጋሶና አቶ ስዬ አብርሃ አንድነትን ለመቀላቀል ወደ መድረክ መግባትን እንደ መደራደሪያ በማቅረባቸው ሲሆን፣ ሌላኛው ደግሞ ዛሬም ያልተሸነፈው የ‹ተባበሩ ወይም ተሰባበሩ› ግልብ ግፊት ነው ብዬ አስባለሁ፤ የዚህ ድምር ውጤትም ከነርዕዮተ-ዓለም እና የፕሮግራም ልዩነት ወደ መድረኩ አምጥቷቸው አይን የሚገባ ሥራ እንዳይሰሩ አግዷቸዋል)
፫-የመድረክ አባል ድርጅቶች መተዳደሪያ ደንብን አለማክበር ‹የፖለቲካ ብልጠት› በማድረጋቸው፣ ለራሳቸው ተጨማሪ የመናተረኪያአጀንዳ ፈጥረዋል፡፡ ይህ አይነቱ ስርዓት አልበኝነት በጋራም በተናጥልም ተፈፅሟል፡፡ አንድነትን ጨምሮ የመድረኩ ስራ አስፈፃሚ ደጋግሞከመርሁ ሲያፈነግጥ ታይቷል፤ ለምሳሌ በደንቡ ላይ መሻሻል ያለበትን አንቀፅ የሚወስነውም ሆነ ከፍተኛው ስልጣን የጠቅላላ ጉባዔውመሆኑ በግልፅ ተቀምጦ ሳለ፣ ጉባዔው ከተሰበሰበባቸው በአንዱ ዕለት ‹የመድረኩ ሊቀ-መንበረ በዙር ከሚሆን፣ በብቃት ይሁን›፤እንዲሁም ‹አዲስ ፓርቲ በአባልነት የምንቀበልበት መንገድ መሻሻል አለበት› የሚሉ አቋሞች ላይ ቢደርስም፣ ስራ አስፈፃሚው ቃል በቃል‹ይህንን አሰራር ጉባኤው ሊቀይረው አይችልም› ሲል ውድቅ ያደረገበትን አጋጣሚ መጥቀስ ይቻላል፡፡
በተናጥል አንድነት፣ ኦፌኮ እና ኢሶዴፓ በአንቀፅ 21 ‹የአባል ድርጅቶች ግዴታ› በሚል ርዕስ ስር የተቀመጡትን፡- ‹ከአፍራሽና ተቃራኒ ከሆኑ እንቅስቃሴዎች መቆጠብ›፣ ‹በአባላት መካከል አለመተማመን ከሚፈጥሩ ማናቸውም ተግባር መቆጠብ›፣ ‹የግንባሩን አቋም
የሚፃረር አቋም ያለማራመድ› እና መሰል ደንቦችን ደጋግመው በአደባባይ ሲጥሱ ታይተዋል፤ ይህ አይነቱ ስርዓተ-አልበኝነት መፍትሄ ሳያገኝ የተሻለና ጠንካራ ሆኖ መውጣቱ አዳጋች ይመስለኛል፡፡
ሰማያዊ
ሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አዲስ በመሆኑ ለወቀሳ መቸኮሉ አግባብ እንዳልሆነ ቢሰማኝም፣ ፓርቲው እያሳየ ካለው ፈጣን እንቅስቃሴ አኳያ፣ በፍጥነቶቹ መካከል የሚፈጥራቸውን ድክመቶቹን ቢያሻሽል ጠቀሜታው ለሀገር ስለሆነ የግል አስታየየት መስጠቱን አስፈላጊ ሆኖ አግኝቸዋለሁ፡፡የሰማያዊ ዋናው ድክመት ከ‹ግንፍሌ ፓርቲ›ነት አልፎ የመሄድ ፍላጎት ያለው አለመምሰሉ ነው (ጽ/ቤቱ አራት ኪሎ /ግንፍሌ/ አካባቢ ይገኛል)፡፡
ከአዲስ አበባ ውጪ ለመንቀሳቀስ ሲሞክር አይታይም፤ በሌሎቸ የሀገሪቱ ከተሞች የተከፈተ ተጨማሪ ቢሮ ካለ፣ ከምስረታው በኋላ የአባላቱ ቁጥር ምን ያህል እንደደረሰ፣ እና መሰል መረጃዎችን ለማግኘት ወደ ፓርቲው ጽ/ቤት ሄዶ የነበረው የመፅሄቱ ሪፖርተር ‹እንዴት እንደምትጠቀሙበት ስለማናውቅ አንናገርም› በሚል ክልከላ በመመለሱ ስለወቅታዊው ቁመና እዚህ ጋ መጥቀስ አልተቻለም (ከዚህ ውጪ ሊቀ-መንበሩ ይልቃል ጌትነት ከ‹ሰንደቅ› ጋዜጣ ጋር ባደረገው ቃለ-መጠይቅ ‹‹ባለፉት 40 ዓመታት ከመጣው የፓርቲዎች ጥንካሬ ይልቅ፣ በአንድ ዓመት ውስጥ ሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ብቻውን አምጥጦታል›› ያለው ሀረግ ስህተት ቢሆንም፣ አንድም በሂደት የሚታረም፣ሁለትም የአፍ ወለምታ፣ ሶስትም ከልምድ ማነስ የሚያጋጥም በመሆኑ ‹ፀጉር መንጨቱ› ፓርቲው ፍርሃትን ለመስበር ከሚያደርገው እንቅስቃሴ አኳያ ገንቢ አይደለምና አልፈዋለሁ፡፡)
‹እምነት ጨምሩልን›
‹ለውጥ! ለውጥ!› የሚል ድምፅ በመላ ሀገሪቱ የበረከተው የ‹ቡርዣ› ወይም ‹አድሀሪ› አብዮትን በመናፈቅ አይደለም፤ እንዲህ አይነት አብዮት፣ ከሰው ለውጥ በቀር ሕዝባዊ ጠቀሜታ የለውማና፡፡ የደርግም ሆነ የኢህአዴግ ‹አብዮት› የዚህ አምሳያ በመሆኑ ነው፣ ዛሬም ዘመን ተጋሪዎቼ ‹ፋኖ ተሰማራ!› ከማለት ነፃ ያልወጡት፡፡ ‹ሶስተኛው አብዮት› የማይሸነፍ እና የማይንበረከክ እንዲሆንልን ከምንመኘው በላይ ወደ ‹መፈንቅለ-መንግስት›ነት እንዳይቀየር መጠንቀቁንም ግዴታ ያደረገው ጠንካራ ፓርቲና የነቃ ማህበረሰብ ያለመኖሩ ስጋት ነው፡ ፡ ይህ ደግሞ ከወዲሁ ከአማራጩ ኃይል ጎን መቆም ይቻል ዘንድ ‹እምነት ጨምሩልን!› (ሀገር የመረከብ አቅማቸውን አሳዩን?) እንድንል አስገድዷል (‹ጀግናው› ኢህአዴግ ወደ ማይቀረው ሽንፈት መንገዱን ከጀመረ ጥቂት ክረምቶች በማለፋቸው፣ ከለውጡ በኋላ የሚመጣው ኃይል ሁለንታው የተቃና መሆኑን ማስመስከር አለበት)መድረክ፣ አንድነት እና ሰማያዊ ወደራሳቸው ይመለከቱ ዘንድ ከሞላ ጎደል የወል ‹ክፍተቶች› ወይም ‹ድክመቶች› የምላቸውን ሶስት ጉዳዮች ከዚህ ቀጥሎ እጠቅሳለሁ፡፡
ሃሳብ-አልባ
ፓርቲዎቹ በምስረታቸው ዘመን ቅድሚያ የሚሰጡት ለምርጫ ቦርድ የእውቅና ሰርተፍኬት እና ‹ተቃዋሚ ድርጅት› ተብለው ለመጠራት በመሆኑ አንድም የሀገሪቱን አንኳር ችግሮች አጥንተው መፍትሄ በመያዝ አልተዘጋጁም፤ ሁለትም ከነባር ድርጅቶች ድክመትና ጥንካሬ ተምረው አልመጡም፤ በዚህም የሚፈልጉትን ሳያወቁ እና የተለየ አማራጭ ሳይይዙ ወደ ፖለቲካው ገብተዋል ወደሚል ጠርዝ እየገፋን ነው፤ ጠንካራና የተፍታታ የፖለቲካ ፕሮግራም የላቸውም፤ በንፅፅር ‹‹አንድነት ለዲሞክራሲና ለፍትህ›› የተሻለ ፕሮግራም ለመቅረፅ ከመሞከሩ ውጪ፣ የመንግስቱ ስልጣን ‹ገጭ-ቋ› ቢል ‹አማራጭ ሊሆኑ ይችላሉ› የሚባሉት ፓርቲዎች ‹እያሾፉ ነው› በሚል ችላ ካልተባሉ በቀር ‹ፕሮግራሜ› ብለው ያቀረቡትን ለተመለከተ ምን ያህል ሃሳብ አልባ እንደሆኑ ለመረዳት አይቸገርም፡፡
የሆነው ሆኖ ይህንን ፅሁፍ ሳዘጋጅ የነበረኝ አመለካከት ስለመድረክና አንድነት የፖለቲካ ፕሮግራም ደካማነት ከዚህ ቀደም ስለጠቀስኩ፣ ዛሬ ሰማያዊ ፓርቲን ብቻ አንስተን ብንነጋገር ይሻላል የሚል ነበር፤ ይሁንና የድርጅቱን ፕሮግራም ካነበብኩ በኋላ ግን ምንም ማውራት እንደማይቻል ተረዳው (ያውም ያየሁት ወረቀት ‹ፕሮግራም› ተብሎ ሊጠራ ከቻለ ማለት ነው)፡፡ ፓርቲው ለስልጣን የመብቃት ዕድል ካገኘ፣ ለዘመናት ሲንከባለልና ሲደራረብ የመጣውን ዘርፈ ብዙ የሀገሪቷን ችግር የሚፈታው ‹‹የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ፕሮግራም›› በማለት ርዕስ ባዘጋጀው ባለአስራ አምስት ገፅ ወረቀት ነው፡፡ መቼም በዚህ ፕሮግራም ‹ከሌሎች የተሻልኩ ነኝ-ምረጡኝ› የማለቱ ድፍረት ግራ አጋቢ ይመስለኛል፤ ምናልባት ‹የፖለቲካ ሳይንስ ምሁሩ ዶ/ር መረራ ጉዲና ካዘጋጀው አራት ገፅ ፕሮግራም፣ የእኛ የበለጠ ነው› የሚል
መከራከሪያ ካልቀረበ፡፡
ስለርዕዮተ-ዓለሙም ቢሆን ‹ለዘብተኛ ሌብራሊዝም› ከማለት ያለፈ ያብራራልን ጉዳይ የለም (በዚህ በኩል ኢዴፓ ከሁሉም በተሻለ የተብራራና የጠበቀ ፕሮግራም አለው፤ ግና! ለአንድ ፓርቲ ከምንም በላይ አስፈላጊ የሆነውን ‹ታአማኒነት› አፍርሷልና ፕሮግራሙ ጠቀመ አልጠቀመ ፋይዳ አለው ማለት አይቻልም) በተቀረ ያለ ርዕዮተ-ዓለም ፓርቲ መስርቶ፣ ‹ሀገሬን፣ ሀገሬን…› ማለቱን ከቀረርቶ ለይቶ መረዳት ይቸግራል፡፡ መድረክ፣ አንድነት እና ሰማያዊ አሁንም ጊዜውም ዕድሉም አላቸውና ስልጣን ቢይዙ በዋና ዋና ሀገራዊ አጀንዳዎች፣ በፖሊሲዎች፣ በማህበራዊ ፍትህ እና መሰል ጉዳዮች ላይ ያላችውን የመፍትሄ ሃሳብ እና የተሻለ አማራጭ በትክክል ተንትነው ማዘጋጀቱን ቢያስቀድሙ መልካም ይመስለኛል፡፡
ቅንጅት ለአንድነትና ለዲሞክራሲ በ1997 ዓ.ም ‹‹የምርጫ ማኒፌስቶ›› ብሎ ያዘጋጀው ሰነድ እንኳ ከ130 ገፅ በላይ የፈጀ እንደነበር የቅርብ ጊዜ ትውስታችን ነው፡፡ እናም ፓርቲዎቹ ‹ፕሮግራሜ› የሚሉትንም ሆነ፣ ከተራራ የገዘፈ ችግሮቻችንን በደቃቃ ግምገማ ለማብራራት መዳከሩን አርቀው በመስቀል ወደ ቁም-ነገሩ ቢያዘንብሉ ጠቀሜታው ለራሳቸው ነው፤ ‹የትም ፍጪው…› መረሳት አለበት፤ ለፖለቲካ ፓርቲ ሃሳብ ከምንም በላይ ወሳኝ ነው፡፡ ዳሩስ! በሰላማዊ መንገድ ለመታገል የተዘጋጀ ፓርቲ፣ የሚሸጥ ርዕዮተ-ዓለም ካላዘጋጀ በቀር ወታደራዊ ድርጅት አይደለምና ‹በኃይል ተጠቅሜ ፍላጎቴን አሳካለሁ› ሊል አይችልም፡፡ እውነት እውነት እላችኋለውም በዚህ በኩል ቀድሞ የነቃ፣ እርሱ አትራፊ ነው፤ ረቢው እንዳለውም ‹ላለው ይጨመርለታል›ና፡፡
ምሁር አልባ
የተፎካካሪ ድርጅቶች ሌላኛው ክፍተት ምሁራንን /ሙያተኞችን/ አለማቀፍ እንደሆነ ተደጋግሞ ቢነገርም፣ ዛሬም በዚህ በኩል የተሰራ ሥራ የለም፡፡ ይህንን ቀዳዳ ለመድፈን አመራሩና አባለቱ ከጽ/ቤት በመውጣት መቀስቀስ፣ ማሳመን፣ ማግባባት… አለባቸው ብዬ አስባለሁ፤ መቼም በሁሉም ዘርፍ ‹እኔ ብቻ ነኝ የማውቀው› ግብዝነትን የወረሱት ነፍሱን ይማረውና ከአቶ መለስ ይመስለኛል፤ ይህ አይነቱ አመለካከት ግን ወንዝ አያሻግርም፡፡ በርግጥ ‹ፖለቲካና ኮረንቲ…› በሚባልበት አገር፣ በደፍረት፣ ድርጅት እስከመመስረት መድረስ ትልቅ ታሪክ ቢሆንም፣ ጠንካራ መሆን ካልተቻለ ዞሮ ዞሮ ያው ክሽፈት ነው፡፡ አደባባዩም እንደቀድሞ ‹ድንጋይ ዳቦ ነው› ብለው ለሚከራከሩ አፈ-ጮማ ፖለቲከኞች ቦታ የሌለው መሆኑ ግልፅ ይመስለኛል፡፡ በተለያየ ሙያ የሰለጠኑ ምሁራኖችን ወደ ፓርቲያችሁ ለመሳብ መደላደሉን አመቻቹ፤ ፍርሃት መሰበር እንዳለበት አሳምኗቸው፤ አንኳኩ፤ ከልከፈቱም ደጋግሙት፡፡
የሴራ ፖለቲካ
ሌላው ድርጅቶቹ የሚጠነክሩት፡- ከሴራ፣ ከስርቻ ስር ፖለቲካ፣ ከጠልፎ መጣል ጨዋታ፣ ከአፍቅሮተ-ስልጣን አና ከመሳሰሉት ነፃ ሲሆኑ ነው፡፡ በአናቱም የጥናትና ምርምር ዘርፍ መሰል እያቋቋሙ እውቀትና መረጃን ወደላይም ወደታችም በማሰራጨት አመራሩንና አባላትን ማብቃት፣ እንዲሁም ግልፅነትን በመተግበር፣ የ‹ጀርባ ፖለቲካ›ን ማዳካም ይቻላል፡፡ ይህ ሲሆን ነው ኩነቶችን ከመበለጥና ያለመበለጥ፤ ከመሸነፍና ያለመሸነፍ አኳያ ብቻ የማየቱ አባዜ የሚለወጠው፡፡ ከእዚህ ሁሉ ስንክሳር በላይ ደግሞ በምሬቷ ብዛት በአማራጩ ኃይል ላይ ተስፋ የጣለች ሀገር መኖሯም ከእያንዳንዷ እንቅስቃሴ ጋ መታወስ ይኖርበታል፡፡
በመጨረሻም-የአልባራዲ መንገድ
ሀገሪቱ ካለችበት ወሳኝና ታሪካው ወቅት አኳያ ቢያንስ በመንግስት ጥቁር መዝገብ ስማቸው ያልሰፈረ፣ እውቀትና አቅም ያላቸው፣ በየትኛውም ሀገር የሚገኙ ኢትዮጵያውያን በራሳቸው መንገድ ወደ ሀገራቸው ገብተው ትግሉን ማገዝ የሀገሪቱ ወቅታዊ ሁናቴ የሚያስገድደው ነው፡፡ በተለይም በእንዲህ አይነት ጉዳዮች ከትምህርትም ሆነ ከመስክ ልምድ ያካበቱ ወንድምና እህቶች የግብፃዊውን መሀመድ አልባራዲ መንገድ ቢከተሉ፣ አንድም ሁኔታዎች ከቁጥጥር እንዳይወጡ ማገዝ ይችላሉ፤ ሁለትም አብዮቱን ከሽንፈትና ቅበሳ  ይታደጋሉ፡፡
ድል ለኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ

ዜና ከአዲስ አበባ – 15 የሚሆኑ የአንድነት ፓርቲ አባለት ዛሬ ህገወጥ እስር ተፈፀመባቸው፤ የአራት ኪሎን ህዝብ እናመሰግናለን – ፍኖተ ነጻነት


አንድነት ፓርቲ በመጪው እሁድ መስከረም 19 ከ33ቱ ፓርቲዎች ጋር ለሚያደርገው ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ የመኪና ላይ ቅስቀሳ ሲያደርጉ የነበሩ 15 አባላቱ ህገወጥ እስር ተፈፀመባቸው፡፡ አባላቱ ከስድስት ኪሎ ወደ አራት ኪሎ በሚወስደው ጎዳና በመኪና ላይ እየቀሰቀሱ ባለበት ወቅት ሚኒሊክ ት/ቤት ፊትለፊት የፖሊስና የደህንነት ኃይሎች የሚተላለፈውን መኪና መንገድ በመዝጋት ቅስቀሳውን አደናቅፈዋል፡፡
በስፍራው የነበሩ በርካታ ሰዎች “ቀስቃሾቹ ህጋዊ ወረቀት ይዘዋል፤ልቀቋቸው” በማለት ተቃውሞ አሰምተዋል ከአንድነት ፓርቲ ጎን እንደሚቆሙም ተናግረዋል፡፡ ፖሊስ 15 የሚሆኑትን የቅስቀሳ ቡድን አባላት ወደ ሁለተኛ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ ወስደዋቸዋል፡፡ የአንድነት ፓርቲ ከፍተኛ አመራሮች አባላቱ ወደ ታሰሩበት 2ኛ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ በመሄድ ረ/ኢ መንግስቱ ለማ የተባሉት

mandag 23. september 2013

የአንድነት ለዴሞክራሲና ለፍትህ ፓርቲ ለሚሊዮኖች ድምፅ ለነፃነት የበይነ መረብ ዘመቻ መግለጫ – አንድነት ለዴሞክራሲና ለፍትህ ፓርቲ

553582_717269128289551_1267195516_n
ላለፉት ሶስት ወራት ስኬታማ ህዝባዊ ንቅናቄ ሲያደርግ የቆየው አንድነት ፓርቲ የመጀመሪያውን ዙር ለሚሊዮኖች ድምፅ ለነፃነት ህዝባዊ ንቅናቄ መስከረም 19 ቀን 2006 ዓ.ም በአዲስ አበባ ከተማ ከሰላሳ ሶስቱ ፓርቲዎች ጋር በሚያደርገው ታላቅ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ያጠናቅቃል፡፡ የህዝባዊ ንቅናቄው አካል የሆነው የበይነ መረብ ዘመቻ(online social media campaign) ከመስከረም 14-18 ቀን 2006 ዓ.ም ይደረጋል፡፡ ዘመቻው ትኩረት የሚያደርገው የሚሊዮኖች ድምፅ ለነፃነት ህዝባዊ ንቅናቄ ቀዳሚ አጀንዳ በሆነውና የፀረ ሽብር ህጉ እንዲሰረዝ በሚጠይቀው የትኩረት ነጥብ ላይ ነው፡፡
ለአምስት ቀናት የሚቆየው የበይነ መረብ ዘመቻ አንድነት ፓርቲ የጸረ ሽብር ህጉ እንዲሰረዝ የጠየቀባቸውን ጉልህ ህገ መንግስታዊ መሰረታዊያን በማብራራት ህዝባዊ ንቅናቄውን በበይነ መረብ (online social media campaign) የሚያቀጣጥል ነው፡፡ የበይነ መረብ ዘመቻው የፖለቲካ አስተሳሰብ ልዩነቶችን ወደ ጎን በመተው መሰረታዊ ህገ መንግስታዊ መብቶችን የሚደፈጥጠው የፀረ ሽብር ህግ እንዲሰረዝና መንግስት ህገ መንግስቱን እንዲያከብር የሚጠይቅ ነው፡፡
በዚህ ዘመቻ የተለያየ ርዕዮተ አለም የሚከተሉ ሆኖም ህገ መንግስቱ እንዲከበር የሚጠይቁ የዴሞክራሲያዊ ኃይሎች አባላት፣ ነፃ የሲቪክ ማህበረሰብ አባላት፣ የሀገሬ ጉዳይ ይመለከተኛል ለሚሉ ዜጎች፣ የመብት አራማጆች(አክቲቪስቶች) እና ህገ መንግስቱ እንዳይሸራረፍ የሚፈልጉ የኢህአዴግ አባላት እንደሚሳተፉበት ይጠበቃል፡፡
ለበይነ መረብ ዘመቻው የተዘጋጁ የፕሮፋይል ምስሎችና የከቨር ምስሎችን በመቀየር እንዲሁም #millionsofvoices የሚለውን ሀሽ ታግ በመጠቀም የሚተላለፉ መልዕክቶቻችንን በማሰራጨት ለህገ መንግስት የበላይነት እንዲቆሙ በአክብሮት ይጠየቃሉ፡፡
አንድነት ለዴሞክራሲና ለፍትህ ፓርቲ
ለሚሊዮኖች ድምፅ ለነፃነት
ግብረ ኃይል

lørdag 21. september 2013

Four members of Air Force join Ginbot 7

Four serving members of the Ethiopian Air Force have joined the Ginbot 7 Movement by abandoning the regime.
The pilots confirmed to ESAT that they have deserted the Air Force and decided to join the ‘freedom struggle’ due to the ‘rampant corruption, racism and favoritism within the Force’.
The four defecting captains are Captain Aklilu Mezene, Captain Tilahun Tufa, Captain Getu Worku and Captain Biniam Gizaw.  The pilots have been involved in the 2006 fight with the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) in Somalia and also in peace keeping missions in Darfur, Sudan.
Two of the pilots joined the Movement returning from where they were sent to training in China while the other two joined directly heading from the Dire Dawa Air Force base.
ESAT recently reported that Major Mesafint Tigabu, an Intelligence Officer of the Ethiopian Defense, had joined the Ginbot 7 Movement.
Several youth are also joining the Movement at the moment, ESAT learns. Some soldiers of the Ethiopian Defense Force are joining and are applying to join the Movement.

EPRDF’s senior, middle leaders in evaluation, training

The top and middle level leaders of the member parties of the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), OPDO, ANDM, TPLF and SEPDF, have been sitting for an evaluation and training since Sunday September 15, 2013.

In the training which continues for 10 consecutive days, top leaders will evaluate each other and also discuss the organisation of development armies, the implementation of the one-to-five structure, extremism and rent seeking and the general election next year.

Similar trainings and evaluations are being provided to members of the EPRDF in other cities and rural areas. Participants of the training said, although EPRDF is confident that it will win next year’s election, it plans to offer successive trainings fearing that incidents of the 2005 election could be repeated.

After training on the one-to-five structure was provided to university presidents and leaders last month, now, principals of secondary schools are being given various types of trainings on the education system and politics.

It has been learnt from the participants that the Front is concerned by the fact that Ethiopian youth have been disgruntled by the leadership of EPRDF. The government has budgeted a large sum of money with the aim of getting hold of the youth.

EPRDF has also planned to conduct evaluation and training with organisations that it considers are correlated with the youth and workforce of various organisations.

fredag 20. september 2013

የኢትዮጵያ አየር ሀይል መዳከሙን ካፒቴን አክሊሉ ተናገሩ




የኢትዮጵያ አየር ሃይል በመተው ሰሞኑን ግንቦት 7ትን  ከተቀላቀሉት አብራሪዎች እና የበረራ አስተማሪዎች መካከል የተዋጊ ሄሊኮፕተር ተዋጊና አዛዥ የሆኑት ካፒቴን አክሊሉ መዘነ ዛሬ ከኢሳት ጋር ባደረጉት ቃለምልልስ በአንድ ወቅት በገናናነቱ የሚታወቀው የኢትዮጵያ አየር ሐይል አሁን ያለበት ደረጃ የሚያሳፍር መሆኑን ተናግረዋል።
በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ፍትህ ሰፍኖ አየር ሀይሉ ተመልሶ የሚገነባበት ጊዜ እንደሚመጣ የገለጹት ካፒቴን አክሊሉ፣ እስከ ዛሬ አገራቸውን በጀግንነት ማገልገላቸውና አሁን ደግሞ ለህዝብ ለመስራት የነጻነት ታጋዮችን መቀላቀላቸውን ተናግረዋል።
“ወያኔዎችን እናውቃቸዋለን” በማለትም አሸንፈው እንደሚወጡ ያላቸውን እምነት ገልጸዋል

torsdag 19. september 2013

EPRDF’s senior, middle leaders in evaluation, training

The top and middle level leaders of the member parties of the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), OPDO, ANDM, TPLF and SEPDF, have been sitting for an evaluation and training since Sunday September 15, 2013.

In the training which continues for 10 consecutive days, top leaders will evaluate each other and also discuss the organisation of development armies, the implementation of the one-to-five structure, extremism and rent seeking and the general election next year.

Similar trainings and evaluations are being provided to members of the EPRDF in other cities and rural areas. Participants of the training said, although EPRDF is confident that it will win next year’s election, it plans to offer successive trainings fearing that incidents of the 2005 election could be repeated.

After training on the one-to-five structure was provided to university presidents and leaders last month, now, principals of secondary  are being given various types of trainings on the education system and politics.

It has been learnt from the participants that the Front is concerned by the fact that Ethiopian youth have been disgruntled by the leadership of EPRDF. The government has budgeted a large sum of money with the aim of getting hold of the youth.

EPRDF has also planned to conduct evaluation and training with organisations that it considers are correlated with the youth and workforce of various organisations.

Four members of Air Force join Ginbot 7


Four serving members of the Ethiopian Air Force have joined the Ginbot 7 Movement by abandoning the regime.
The pilots  to ESAT that they have deserted the Air Force and decided to join the ‘freedom struggle’ due to the ‘rampant corruption, racism and favoritism within the Force’.
The four defecting captains are Captain Aklilu Mezene, Captain Tilahun Tufa, Captain Getu Worku and Captain Biniam Gizaw.  The pilots have been involved in the 2006 fight with the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) in Somalia and also in peace keeping missions in Darfur, Sudan.
Two of the pilots joined the Movement returning from where they were sent to training in China while the other two joined directly heading from the Dire Dawa Air Force base.
ESAT recently reported that  Mesafint Tigabu, an Intelligence Officer of the Ethiopian Defense, had joined the Ginbot 7 Movement.
Several youth are also joining the Movement at the moment, ESAT learns. Some soldiers of the Ethiopian Defense Force are joining and are applying to join the Movement.













PLF/ERPDF Efforts to Suppress Testimony in World Bank’s Investigation Regarding the Misuse of WB Funds

Reports Emerge of TPLF/ERPDF Efforts to Suppress Testimony in World Bank’s Investigation Regarding the Misuse of WB Funds in the Forced Displacement of Anuak and Related Land Grabs in Ethiopia’s Gambella Region
Press Release (Vancouver, BC, Canada)— The Anuak Justice Council (AJC) has received disturbing reports from on-the-ground sources in refugee camps in the Republic of South Sudan and Kenya as well as from sources in Gambella, Ethiopia that the TPLF/EPRDF Government of Ethiopia is carrying out a high-priority campaign to suppress the truthful testimony of witnesses in a World Bank (WB) investigation regarding the alleged misuse of World Bank funds by their administration.
Sources allege that a federal government spokesperson recently told regional officials in Gambella that they could not afford to lose the $600 million dollars of development monies provided through the World Bank and instructed Gambella regional administrators to do whatever it takes—even if it costs them a few million dollars—to make sure that whoever speaks to investigators, from among the Anuak refugees in the camps, will be in support of the government’s position. Reports of the Ethiopian government’s willingness to bribe or tamper with witnesses or officials so false testimony is given in this investigation should be a call for an immediate response from the World Bank and donor countries.
Background:
This investigation was triggered when a complaint[i] was filed with the World Bank by 26 Anuak persons from two villages in the Gambella region. They claimed that WB development funds were funding a program heavily supported by the World Bank, Protection of Basic Services (PBS)[ii], begun in 2006, which was meant to improve services in various regions of the country, but which in fact were used in the Gambella region to partially fund the government’s ‘villagization’ program.
This program involved the forcible eviction of Anuak from their indigenous land.[iii] Although the TPLF/EPRDF said the program was voluntary and that its purpose was to resettle the people in villages with improved access to services, the reverse was true. These Anuak, along with over 70,000 other indigenous people, were moved to inferior locations where they were expected to build their own huts from foraged materials. Many ended up living under trees.
The land they were given was less suitable for agriculture—their main livelihood—further from water sources and with less access to services. When some tried to return to their homes and crops, yet to be harvested, they found their land had been leased to foreign mega-agricultural companies and regime crony for up to 99 years without any consultation with the local people or compensation for their losses.
This is illegal under the Ethiopian Constitution and international human rights laws. Those who resisted were often beaten, tortured, arrested or sometimes killed. Women have been raped. Food insecurity and displacement increased. Under threats or hardship, many fled the country to refugee camps.
After an appeal was made to the World Bank, an independent inspection panel assessed the need for a full investigation and determined there was substantial evidence to call for a full investigation by the bank. In their initial investigation, they sought witnesses within Ethiopia; however, those they spoke to had allegedly been handpicked by the Gambella Regional government, coached and monitored for their responses. These witnesses took the government’s side, denying any wrongdoing by the government and praising their development efforts.
On the other hand, the complainants in the case who were now living in refugee camps in South Sudan and Kenya, each told a completely different story. The inspection panel found sufficient evidence to recommend a full investigation by the WB who then had to decide whether to go forward with the case.
The World Bank approved the full investigation;[iv] however, the TPLF/EPRDF denied the allegations and initially told the World Bank they would not cooperate with an investigation[v]; however after facing the possibility of losing WB funds, they may have changed their approach. The AJC believes this new campaign, “to do whatever it takes,” is a blatant effort to swing the results of any investigation in their favor; appearing to cooperate while secretly sabotaging the investigation in any way possible.
Adding to their difficulties with the WB investigation, an Anuak man, known as ‘Mr. O., has filed a lawsuit in the United Kingdom against the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID) based on similar grounds. [vi] Mr. O claims he has suffered human rights abuses, arbitrary arrest, loss of home and property and that some of his family members have been raped, disappeared or have been killed as a result of the same villagization program, funded in part by the DFID; also alleging they have ignored or played down reports of misuse of their funds in these illegal acts.  It is evident that the TPLF/EPRDF regime is worried about the outcome of these two cases, which are closely related.
Targeting the Anuak refugees:
The TPLF/EPRDF’s spokesperson allegedly told Gambella regional authorities that the priority was to target the Anuak in refugee camps in the Republic of South Sudan and Kenya; emphasizing that those Anuak who initiated the WB complaint were not from Gambella, but instead, were Anuak in the refugee camps and in the Diaspora. 
Thousands of refugees have sought safety in South Sudan and Kenya ever since the large-scale massacre of the Anuak in 2003 by TPLF/EPRDF forces, accompanied by civilian militia groups they had incited and armed. In the years following the massacre, the current regime committed many more human rights violations against the Anuak, causing a constant influx of refugees from the Gambella region into these neighboring countries. Many of these refugees remain in these camps, living under difficult conditions.
In the last several years, many more Anuak have left Gambella due to the large-scale land grabs of Anuak indigenous land, the displacement of the people and the associated human rights abuses. Land-grabbing and its impact on indigenous people has come to the attention of international advocates, human rights organizations, NGO’S and public officials who have gone to the camps to interview those affected.
Within Ethiopia, the government can control what is said and who is to be interviewed, but that same control has not extended to the refugee camps. Up until now, these refugees have been able to speak out more freely than when living inside Ethiopia. With improved access to the “outside world,” they have been able to expose evidence of the brutal human rights abuses and illegal deportation of the people by the TPLF/EPRDF regime. That evidence is now threatening to jeopardize the regime’s access to WB funds.
TPLF/EPRDF delegates sent to refugee camps:
According to our sources, the TPLF/EPRDF has three goals:
1)  To send TPLF/EPRDF delegates to refugee camps in South Sudan and Kenya to convince those governments and/or officials to convince, pressure or force the Anuak to return home,
The AJC has learned that the TPLF/EPRDF delegation of Anuak and non-Anuak have already arrived in the refugee camp in Juba, South Sudan and are attempting to gain the help of the host governments in exerting pressure on the Anuak to return to Ethiopia. Part of the plan is also to convince the people that things are good in the Gambella region, that the government will not continue to lease land to the foreign investors and that people should come back; yet, issues of human rights abuses, pervasive injustice, repression of basic rights, arbitrary arrests, lack of political space and the forced displacement of the Anuak from their homes and ancestral land in order to lease it to foreign investors and regime cronies, all remain unresolved. However, if the refugees can be convinced or forced to return, it will weaken these two cases involving the Anuak who have fled the region and strengthen the position of the TPLF/EPRDF. We believe this is the intent and are concerned that bribery of witnesses or officials could undermine a fair and just process, particularly in a place where living conditions are so difficult and where despair is endemic.
2)   To divide the Anuak refugees, including using money (bribes) to sway some Anuak to give false testimony and to support the TPLF/ERPDF’s position;
The AJC is highly concerned that the TPLF/ERPDF has already violated protocols and laws in regard to tampering with witnesses in both cases and may have engaged UNHCR and camp officials, possibly without their knowledge, to aid and abet them. For example, in the case involving Mr. O, where he has filed a lawsuit against the DFID, sources from the camp indicate that when investigators from the DFID arrived in August 26 until 29 to interview witnesses, those refugees with first-hand information on the facts of the case were not chosen to be interviewed. Instead, seventeen others, who had left Gambella following the massacre of the Anuak in December of 2003—years before the implementation of the PBS program and land-grabbing began—were handpicked by UNHCR and another NGO managing the Juba Refugee Camp and were transported to their offices outside the camp for their interviews.
It is unknown if they were aware that these witnesses would know little about the facts of the case and only second-hand information, at best. None of the seventeen refugees who had been interviewed by the first independent inspection panel from the World Bank were given the opportunity to testify to the DFID investigators, even though they had had very similar experiences and possessed substantial information on what had been going on over the last several years.
According to one individual who had been chosen to testify, that person was instructed by the interviewers not to tell anything to the Juba Camp’s organizing committee, a group elected by the refugees who should have been consulted. This Juba Refugee Committee is currently at odds with the camp’s administrative management over other issues of possible mismanagement and the delivery of services to them. Sources believe the Ethiopian government’s hand is in this manipulation of witnesses.
Refugees in the camp are anxious to read the report from the DFID, knowing they will claim to have gone to the camp to interview Anuak from Gambella, Ethiopia, but know it will not reflect the testimony of those who know what has been going on in the last several years. The AJC believes this manipulation of witnesses is deliberate and may be attempted again in the WB investigation. It has caused division and even some violence in the camp, especially in light of the TPLF/EPRDF’s alleged willingness to pay off “a few million” in order to obstruct these two investigations.
3)    To gain the cooperation of the Government of South Sudan (GOSS), other authorities and informers within the camp so as to identify, arrest and hand over Anuak who may be planning a future resistance effort within Ethiopia.
The TPLF/EPRDF wants to target potential Anuak insurgents and suppress any possible resistance before it grows.  They have had ongoing fears that these refugee camps will provide the safe haven needed to make plans for resistance efforts within Gambella. Within the last year, the former Gambella Regional Governor Omot Obang Olom and other Ethiopian authorities went to Juba to meet with government officials to gain their cooperation in extraditing Anuak who are suspected of being insurgents back to Ethiopia. They worked in conjunction with security agents from the GOSS in rounding up approximately fifty Anuak who were thusly accused. In violation of international refugee laws, and without trials or representation, these Anuak were turned over to Ethiopian authorities. Once in Ethiopia, these refugees were tortured and given prison sentences ranging from twenty years to life imprisonment.
According to the following, the UNHCR may be unknowingly violating their own principles. Here is their mandate: “The office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), also known as the UN Refugee Agency is mandated by the United Nations to protect and support refugees at the request of a government or the UN itself and assists in their voluntary repatriation, local integration or resettlement to a third country.”
As for the AJC, we will continue to investigate further details of these incidents in order to better establish the truth in these cases and to advocate for their rights as refugees. Evidence of illegal corruption, violations of international refugee laws and interference with the WB appeal and a DFID lawsuit case will be reported to the appropriate authorities for follow-up responses or investigations of suspected breaches of the law, mandates or protocols.
A Word to the GOSS from the Anuak of Gambella and South Sudan:
If the South Sudanese government cooperates with the TPLF/EPRDF in either sabotaging these investigations or turning Anuak over to be extradited back to Ethiopia—even if they are insurgents fighting for their freedom—it is a slap in the face to the Anuak of Ethiopia who welcomed thousands of Southern Sudanese to the Gambella region as a safe haven from the civil war as well as a base for the Southern Sudanese who were fighting for their freedom. Additionally, many of the Anuak from South Sudan fought and died for the freedom that has now come to this newest country in the world.
It is very sad if South Sudanese authorities forget about this and betray their own people and their families in Ethiopia when it is still so fresh in the minds of the Anuak. Those Anuak of South Sudan, who lost family members or who can still see the scars of war on their bodies or who are still feeling the pain of their injuries or who are still limited by some disability, should not have to be witnesses to a betrayal by those with whom they struggled. It is also time for freedom in Ethiopia. Will the GOSS support this?
Can you imagine how South Sudanese in refuge in Gambella in those years of struggle for their freedom would have reacted if delegates of Omar al Bashir had worked in conjunction with the Ethiopian government in forcing Southern Sudanese from Gambella refugee camps to go home? If it would have been wrong then, it is wrong now. The AJC will continue to call on the Southern Sudanese to treat these people decently, like they were treated in Gambella and make sure justice is upheld by refusing to undermine these investigations.
As for the AJC and the Anuak people, we will continue to work not only for the rights of the Anuak, but also for the rights of all the people in the Gambella region. The AJC was founded to protect the rights of the Anuak wherever they are found, including in refugee camps in South Sudan and Kenya.
The AJC will continue to call the governments of South Sudan and Kenya to uphold international obligations under refugee laws; neither forcing these refugees to return nor allowing the oppressive government that first caused them to flee to meddle unlawfully in these cases or in the extradition of Anuak to certain torture and imprisonment. Once freedom and justice comes to Ethiopia, most of these refugees will need no pressure to return to their homes and land but will return willingly.
To the refugees, a word of encouragement:
As for the refugees, stay firm, strong and united. Do not fall into any TPLF/ERPDF traps. Trust in God as you stand against untruth, corruption, injustice and offers of bribes. May God protect the oppressed and bring justice to Ethiopia as many call on His name.
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Please do not hesitate to e-mail your questions or comments to Mr. Ochala Abulla, Chairman of the Anuak Justice Council (AJC): E-mail: Ochala@anuakjustice.org

[iii] http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/01/16/ethiopia-forced-relocations-bring-hunger-hardship ; (January 17, 2012) “Ethiopia: Forced Evictions Bring Hunger, Hardship”
[iv] http://www.inclusivedevelopment.net/world-bank-board-approves-investigation-into-allegations-of-bankrolling-human-rights-abuses-in-ethiopia/;  (July 16, 2013)  The World Bank’s Board of Executive Directors has approved a full investigation into whether the Bank has breached its policies in Ethiopia and contributed to a government program of forced population transfers known as ‘villagization.’  The Bank’s move follows the resolution of a five-month standoff with the Ethiopian government, which had publicly threatened in May not to cooperate with the investigation.  A preliminary report issued by the Bank’s internal watchdog, the Inspection Panel, recommended the investigation in February after receiving a complaint submitted by indigenous people from Ethiopia’s Gambella region. The complaint alleges that the Anuak people have suffered grave harm as a result of the World Bank-financed Promoting Basic Services Project (PBS), which has provided 1.4 billion USD in budget support for the provision of basic services to the Ethiopian Government since 2006. The Bank approved an additional $600 million for the next phase of the project on September 25th- one day after the complaint was filed. A legal submission accompanying the complaint, prepared by Inclusive Development International (IDI), presents evidence that the PBS project is directly and substantially contributing to the Ethiopian Government’s Villagization Program, which has been taking place in Gambella and other regions of Ethiopia since 2010 and involves the relocation of approximately 1.5 million people.  (See this website for a link to the initial complaint.)
[vi] http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2013/jan/22/ethiopia-resettlement-scheme-lives-shattered ;  (January 22, 2013) Clar Ni Chonghaile, “Ethiopia’s resettlement scheme leaves lives shattered and UK facing questions: A ‘villagisation’ programme has left many people from Ethiopia’s Gambella region bereft of land and loved ones, casting donor support in